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Philip Bean 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》1999,13(3):365-371
The extent and use of technology in the British criminal justice system is uneven. Two areas are examined; first where technology is used in prisons or by the police, and secondly when it is used to develop new sanctions, as with electronic monitoring, or as attachments to existing sanctions such as drug testing. Technology in prisons is mainly in the form of perimeter security, and in the police through CCTV cameras or databases. In the second the emphasis is on tracker systems which gives the supervisor greater control. Technological development in criminal justice is not without its critics. Some regard existing technological developments with suspicion, seeing them as a means of enhancing control, or as an attack on traditional liberal values, or more importantly as an extension of a form of behaviourism which is concerned only with the observable act. Others note the expensive failures of technology where systems fail to work or are delivered late. It is suggested a Government study is required to examine existing technologies and its likely future impact whether on the criminal justice system generally or on those working within it or as inmates. 相似文献
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Two opposing models of public-goods undersupply are those of “market failure” and “government failure”. Empirical work on the relative explanatory power of these two frameworks has been limited by the scarcity of acceptable data. The case of climate-controlled walkways in major urban cores is a rare instance where such difficulties can be overcome. We investigate the supply of CCWs in 55 large city-cores in North America. We find that (1) CCW networks are well-supplied by market forces, when (2) such forces are not frustrated by government policy. We also find evidence that (3) rules-based regimes dominate discretion-based regimes. These results are consistent with the position that the “government-failure” paradigm is a viable alternative to the traditional “market failure” paradigm. 相似文献
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This study explores the associations of sexual revictimization (experiencing sexual abuse in childhood and adulthood) in a sample of 230 African American women who are low-income. Data indicate that women who experience sexual revictimization are more at risk for emotional stress and psychological pathology than women with no history of abuse. In addition, women who are revictimized appear to be at greater risk for emotional problems than women sexually abused only as a child or sexually assaulted only as adults. Revictimization also appears to be associated with an increased probability of engaging in prostitution, even higher than women with childhood- or adult-only victimization, who showed increased probability when compared to women never abused. Finally, women who are revictimized showed increased HIV risk, in that they were 4 times less likely than other women to consistently use condoms, but no more likely to be in monogamous relationships or less likely to have multiple partners. 相似文献
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New requirements for reporting capital assets associated with the governmental funds of state and local governments are among the most significant changes that will be required by Government Accounting Standards Board (GASB) Statement No. 34. Under Statement No. 34, the historical cost of these assets, including general infrastructure assets (for example, roads and bridges), must be reported in the government-wide Statement of Net Assets. The cost of using those assets—generally depreciation expense—must be reported in the government-wide Statement of Activities. This article explores why the GASB established these requirements and how it worked with preparers and others to make meeting these requirements less costly. 相似文献
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Clive Bean 《Political Behavior》1991,13(3):253-283
This paper examines a model of political participation and political protest that includes the several well-established modes of orthodox participation as well as a number of dimensions of political protest, and also takes account of the causal order between conventional participation and protest. The analysis indicates that previous findings demonstrating a substantial positive association between unidimensional measures of conventional and unconventional political behavior are incomplete and indeed somewhat misleading. The connection between orthodox participation and protest weakens as the style of protest becomes more unorthodox, to such an extent that none of the separate modes of conventional participation are directly related to radical protest. Using sheaf coefficients, the paper also tests the relative explanatory power of three sets of determinants of participation and protest: social background characteristics, general orientations toward politics, and attitudes toward issues. Issues are repeatedly weaker than the other two groups of variables in predicting conventional participation but have relatively strong effects on political protest, particularly compared with political orientations, while social structure is consistently influential. 相似文献
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Following the 2001 “border security” election, it was assumed that the 2004 federal election would revert to the traditional campaign battleground of socio‐economic issues. This prediction proved to be only partly true, and while economic and social issues did figure in the election campaign, much more important were popular perceptions of the leaders. Indirectly, the Iraq War also had some impact, mediated through evaluations of John Howard. Analysis of leader effects suggests that Mark Latham was not the electoral liability for Labor that many have subsequently claimed. Ultimately, the Coalition won the election because they had a highly popular leader who had presided over a period of sustained economic growth. The election emphasizes the central role that the party leaders play in modern election campaigns. 相似文献
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