全文获取类型
收费全文 | 462篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 40篇 |
工人农民 | 60篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 38篇 |
法律 | 164篇 |
中国共产党 | 7篇 |
中国政治 | 8篇 |
政治理论 | 112篇 |
综合类 | 17篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 30篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 15篇 |
2013年 | 113篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 24篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 18篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 13篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有486条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
421.
422.
In the first systematic study of what college applicants invoke when required to submit a diversity essay, we revisit many settled assumptions on both the left and the right about how such an essay would operate after Grutter and Gratz as well as after the passage of anti–affirmative action ballot initiatives. Our data are a sample of 176 diversity essays submitted to the University of Michigan in the immediate aftermath of the University's Supreme Court win, analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively with special attention to the differences that the essay writer's race and class position make. We find that in many respects the essays are similar when written by applicants from similar backgrounds but different races, and that conservative critics were wrong to assume the essay would function simply as a way of announcing oneself as an under‐the‐table affirmative action candidate. Rather than suggesting a straightforward lineup of advantage and disadvantage, we suggest rather that the essay is a vehicle for the youngest generation of citizens to both receive and send back a new conception of difference that has some essentializing elements but overall is turning in a postracial, cosmopolitan direction. 相似文献
423.
424.
425.
Illegal organizations, like mafia syndicates, gangs, and insurgencies, are often highly cohesive and hostile toward the outside world. Such groups cultivate a particular form of “anti-social” capital, which relies on ingroup bonding and limits outgroup bridging for the purpose of commissioning illicit acts. We argue that experiences within the group leave members with varying intensities of anti-social capital, and that higher intensities lead to significantly weaker relationships with political institutions and civil society, even many years after they exit the group. We test this theory using survey data from 1,485 former members of insurgent and paramilitary groups in Colombia, along with insights from 68 qualitative interviews. We find strong evidence that anti-social capital has individually varying and sticky effects on former members. These effects are pervasive and intense, and exhibit surprising and counterintuitive properties: former members of pro-state militia with higher levels of anti-social capital are systematically less likely to trust political institutions, while members of peasant-based insurgent groups with high levels of anti-social capital are less likely to participate in their communities. 相似文献
426.
ABSTRACTThis Special Issue seeks to better understand the role of communication and perception in EU crisis diplomacy. In a recent Special Issue in this journal, Catarina Kinnvall, Ian Manners and Jennifer Mitzen argue that, “?…?the greatest security challenge facing people across Europe is not physical, despite the threats of Putin and ISIS, but is a sense of fear and anxiety over their daily lives” [2018. Introduction to 2018 Special Issue of European Security: “Ontological (in)security in the European Union”. European security, 27 (3), 249–265]. We take an interdisciplinary approach to widen the scope of studies on European security and offer new avenues for further research into how citizens in the EU’s neighbourhood understand the security challenges they face and the role the EU plays in addressing these. Through this, we aim to bring theoretical and methodological innovation to understanding the role of the EU as an external actor. 相似文献
427.
Inka Barnett Kevin Hernandez Ben Ramalingam Anna Levy Carrie Oppenheimer Craig Valters 《Development in Practice》2019,29(3):287-299
This article aims to explore whether ICT-enabled real-time data (RTD) systems can help to improve the operationalisation of adaptive management of international development programmes. Using a qualitative multi-method approach consisting of 48 semi-structured key expert interviews and four exploratory case studies, we found that RTD can successfully inform rapid tactical adaptive management in development programmes but is, on its own, of only limited use for most strategic adaptive management. The research identified multiple contextual barriers to the use of RTD for adaptive management. These barriers need to be addressed to realise the full potential of real-time adaptive management of programmes. 相似文献
428.
Ben Cormier 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(2):209-226
The World Bank has developed a new lending instrument, called Program-for-Results (P4R). This instrument is notable because it emphasises borrower programmes and contexts, ostensibly shifting from universally applied Washington Consensus models. Why did the Bank develop P4R? First, theoretical grounds for a new Bank policy are outlined. Second, the context, formalisation and usage of P4R are analysed. Third, P4R’s possible futures are described, along with their implications for development lending theory and practice. Despite its embryonic status, scholars and practitioners will be able to learn about power in development lending by following the fate of P4R. 相似文献
429.
Jihadist foreign fighters have become common in civil conflicts in Muslim countries. While research exists on the impact they have upon returning home, less attention has been given to their influence on the opposition cause that they mobilize in support of. This article looks at the impact that jihadist foreign fighters on the Chechen and Syrian resistance causes, evaluating their influence on oppositional cohesion and ideology, domestic and international perceptions of the movements, and on governmental narratives regarding the conflicts the foreign fighters engage in. It is concluded that foreign fighters have overwhelmingly damaged the Chechen and Syrian opposition movements, making the likelihood of opposition success more remote. 相似文献
430.