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31.
Brandon M. Boylan 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2015,38(8):652-670
Terrorist organizations rely on support from their constituencies to survive. Constituent support can be categorized by constituents' behavior (active or passive) and the inducement strategy used by terrorist organizations to obtain it (enticements or coercion). These two dimensions overlap, producing a typology of constituent support for terrorist organizations. Four types of support are thus identified: impelled (active and enticed), auspicious (passive and enticed), compelled (active and coerced), and deterred (passive and coerced). Although types often co-exist and transform from one to another over time, each is a distinct lens to view constituent support and can improve upon state counterterrorism strategies. 相似文献
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Brandon L. Bartels Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier Corwin D. Smidt Rene M. Smith 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(1):210-222
Central to traditionalist and revisionist perspectives of individual-level party identification is a debate about the stability of party identification. We revisit the debate about the dynamic properties and processes underlying party identification. We present a conceptual framework that defines heterogeneity and state dependence as endpoints of a continuum underlying partisan stability, which is important in understanding an individual’s capacity for updating partisanship. Using panel data from the 1992-1996 National Election Study, we estimate dynamic, random effects multinomial logit models of party identification that distinguish between heterogeneity and “true state dependence.” In accord with traditionalist perspectives, our evidence suggests that in general, minimal state dependence underlies party identification; party identification is strongly stationary. However, we find that age enhances the magnitude of state dependence, which provides some support for revisionist theories. Overall, our work showcases how explaining individual-level dynamics expands our knowledge of partisan stability. 相似文献
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This study examines Merton's Classical Strain Theory (1938) as a causative factor in intimate partner violence among college students. We theorize that college students experience general life strain and cumulative strain as they pursue the goal of a college degree. We test this strain on the likelihood of using intimate partner violence. Strain due to unrealistic expectations of intimate partnership and economic strain are also examined. The analysis examines the following causative factors representing strain: 1) the College Undergraduate Stress Scale (Renner & Mackin, 1998); 2) cumulative academic strain measured by college classification; 3) cumulative intimate partner strain measured as the length of time in the relationship; 4) academic strain measured by number of hours studied weekly, and 5) economic strain measured by number of hours worked weekly. Additionally, we examine the extent to which gender and race/ethnicity differentially affect intimate partner in the context of these measures of strain. The Conflict Tactics Scales II (Straus et al, 1996) are used to measure dating violence and include indicators for sexual coercion, physical aggression, injury, and psychological aggression. Data were collected from 142 students in lower-division classes from Texas Tech University. Results show that general strain and cumulative intimate partner strain increase the use of dating violence among college students. The longer dating partners are in a relationship, the higher the chances of psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion. Converse to our expectations, time spent working reduces psychological aggression due to reducing time spent together rather than reflecting economic strain. 相似文献
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Brandon C. Welsh Anthony A. Braga Meghan E. Hollis-Peel 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2012,8(4):415-431
Objectives
Investigate the degree and nature of influence that researchers have in police crime prevention programs and whether a high degree of influence is associated with biased reporting of results.Methods
Meta-analytic inquiry of experimental and quasi-experimental studies (n?=?42), drawn from four Campbell Collaboration systematic reviews of leading police crime prevention strategies: problem-oriented policing, ??hot spots?? policing, ??pulling levers?? policing, and street-level drug enforcement.Results
Larger program effects are not associated with studies with higher involvement on the part of the evaluator (e.g., assisting in strategy design, monitoring implementation, overcoming implementation problems).Conclusions
This study does not find support for the cynical view, which holds that researchers have a personal stake in the program or are pressured to report positive results. Importantly, the evaluator??s involvement in the implementation of the program may be a necessary condition of successfully executed police experiments in complex field settings. 相似文献38.
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Dull Brandon D. Hoyt Lindsay Till Grzanka Patrick R. Zeiders Katharine H. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2021,50(6):1081-1097
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Limited research has investigated factors that shape White youth’s civic action aimed at social change. Investigating the relation between Whiteness and... 相似文献
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Brandon Van Dyck 《拉美政治与社会》2014,56(2):1-26
Does party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower‐level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid‐2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT's electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva's (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT's improvement at lower levels followed from top‐down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party's local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains. 相似文献