In this study we examined the effects of risk factors (perceived neighborhood crime/delinquency problems, neighborhood incivilities)
and protective factors (teacher support, family support, peer support) on the school engagement of 123 urban adolescents of
color. Age and gender were also examined to determine if different ages (younger or older) or genders (male or female) significantly
modified the relationship between the risk factors and school engagement. Results indicated that perceived neighborhood incivilities
was uniquely predictive of school engagement. Contrary to hypotheses, different levels of the perceived social support variables
did not modify the effects of risky neighborhood conditions on adolescent’s perceived school engagement. Age, but not gender,
significantly modified the relationship between perceived family social support and perceived neighborhood crime on adolescents’
reported levels of school engagement. The implications of the results for prevention and intervention programs that address
school engagement among early adolescents of color are considered.
This paper examines the effect of inefficient redistribution in Myerson’s (American Political Science Review 87:856–869, 1993) model of redistributive politics. Regardless of the absolute levels of the efficiency of political parties’ transfers to different voter segments, parties have incentive to (stochastically) shift resources away from voter segments with large relative efficiency gaps between the two parties’ transfers towards voter segments with smaller relative efficiency gaps. Because of this dependence on relative, and not absolute, levels of efficiency, the parties’ optimal strategies may lead to large discrepancies between the sum of the budgetary transfers and the sum of the effective transfers. 相似文献
Empowerment has become an influential concept and theoretical framework for social policy and practice. Still, relatively
little is known about the roles that empowerment plays in the ecology of human development, particularly among young people.
This article reports results of a study of psychological empowerment among young people, using data from 629 high school students
(65.8% female; 96.5% non-white). Using a path analysis, we examined the role of perceived sociopolitical control—an indicator
of the intrapersonal component of psychological empowerment—as a mediator between ecological support systems and developmental
outcomes. Findings confirmed that social support in family, peer, and school settings, and family cohesion positively predict
self-esteem and perceived school importance, which, in turn, have protective effects on psychological symptoms, violent behaviors
and substance use. Sociopolitical control was found to mediate the relationships between ecological supports and risk factors
and developmental outcomes, leading to the conclusion that perceived efficacy in the sociopolitical domain, and youth empowerment,
more generally, should be considered as core elements of the ecology of human development. Policy and practice aimed at promoting
positive developmental outcomes and preventing risk behaviors should take their relationship to sociopolitical control into
account. 相似文献
Compromise is surprisingly common in the context of religious freedom. In Holt v. Hobbs, for example, a Muslim prison inmate challenged his prison’s no-beards policy on religious freedom grounds. He proposed, and was eventually granted, a compromise that allowed him to grow a half-inch beard rather than the full beard normally required by his beliefs. Some have argued that such a compromise is inconsistent with the purpose of religious freedom, which is to guard against interference with an individual’s religious practices. Accepting a compromise, after all, may require a significant modification to one’s default practices. But this paper argues that compromise can be appropriate if the purpose of religious freedom is to foster the inclusion and acceptance of all people in a diverse political community. Moreover, the benefits of compromise may lend support to the inclusion-based conception of religious freedom as against the more traditional non-interference conception.
New forms of public leadership are needed to design and implement co‐production of public value. We draw on narrative analysis to explore the barriers to developing the capacity for co‐production of public value in disadvantaged and vulnerable Indigenous communities and find that existing norms not only crowd out efforts at reform, but can work against them. In particular, we find that upward accountability and a focus on expert knowledge are the most problematic for co‐production of public value. We focus on how more traditional practices of public administration mediated the achievements of public leaders in their co‐production efforts when Australian governments introduced strategies for partnership with Indigenous communities for services design and delivery. The analysis suggests that creating a broader enabling environment of supportive logics would allow public leaders to engage more productively with inherent tensions between old and new ways of working. 相似文献
Shared services are often lauded as an efficacious means of reducing municipal expenditure and thereby improving waning financial sustainability. However, most of the extant theoretical and empirical work only considers costs and benefits at the level of the specific service in question and, hence, fails to capture many of the wider benefits and costs that might accrue to local governments. In this article we first build a schema to illustrate the benefits and costs of moving from separate to collaborative production at the level of individual local authorities. We then test two hypotheses drawn from the schema against a five‐year panel of expenditure data. We find evidence of increased expenditure in the order of 8 per cent that prima facie runs counter to the objectives of many municipal managers engaged with shared services. We conclude by considering the implications of our findings for cooperative ventures between local authorities. 相似文献
As the 20th anniversary of the 1995–1998 Liverpool Dockers’ Strike approaches, this case of industrial action should not be dismissed as a reminder of yet another nail in the coffin of organised labour. Rather, this event needs to be viewed more optimistically in hindsight as a symbol that working-class consciousness and systems of solidarity had not vanished entirely from Britain after the crushing collapse of domestic manufacturing and the fall of the miners in 1985. Indeed, the Liverpool dockers invented a fresh campaign of industrial action at this time, led more from the ‘bottom-up’ than most other labour protests in the past. Fuelled by a cognisant awareness of both community and workplace experience within the context of popular historical memory, this industrial action played significant roles in reconfiguring and adapting solidarity in this new era of rentier, global capitalism. It is appropriate we recall working-class militancy in a city whose own historical narrative is often described as ‘exceptional’ when one reflects upon Liverpool’s long entrenched culture of opposition. 相似文献
Abstract: This study documents skull fracture characteristics on infant porcine specimens under known impact conditions with respect to age and interface. A single impact causing fracture was conducted on the skull of porcine specimens aged 2–28 days (n = 76). Paired rigid and compliant impacts at the same energy were conducted at each specimen age. Impact force, impact duration, and fracture length were recorded. Energy required to initiate skull fracture increased with specimen age. For a given energy, impact of the skull with a compliant interface caused more fracture damage than with a rigid interface for specimens aged under 17 days, but less damage for specimens aged 24–28 days. The documentation of energy required to cause fracture and resulting fracture propagation with respect to impact interface and age may be of critical importance in forensic investigations of infant skull trauma. 相似文献
This study examines the mechanisms that connect self-control and domestic violence with a specific focus given to the influence of bad parenting and general criminal behavior.
Methods
The authors used data from a community-based sample of 375 respondents. Path analysis was conducted exploring whether bad parenting (as measured by child victimization) or general criminal behavior linked self-control and partner violence together.
Results
The results showed a link between self-control and partner violence. The results also showed that while child victimization is related to partner abuse, it does not appear to be the link between self-control and domestic violence. General criminal histories, however, appear to be a link between self-control and partner violence.
Conclusions
Efforts to treat partner abusers should focus on raising their self-control levels by focusing on general characteristics of abusers rather than specific experiences of child maltreatment. Criminal justice responses should be targeted to addressing offenders self-control levels through measures that provide an “external conscience” (Jenuwine et al., 2003) for offenders. Partner abusers should be viewed and treated as general types of criminals rather than specific types of offenders. The precise influence of bad parenting, and strategies to define bad parenting in self-control research, remain in question. 相似文献
Criminologists tend to study crimes that include active behaviors by offenders. Much less attention is given to inaction - or crimes that are defined by the absence of behaviors. A number of different crimes of omission, however, are included within state statutes. In recent times, a great deal of legislative attention has been directed towards whether Good Samaritan laws should be developed- laws that require bystanders to help those who are imperiled. This article describes a pilot study involving a survey of 134 “bystanders” to determine their attitudes about helping and their support for laws mandating that bystanders help crime victims. Results show that the sample overwhelmingly indicated that they would help others themselves, but there was mixed support for laws requiring that individuals help those in need. Support for Bad Samaritan laws was related to age and education. Implications are provided. 相似文献