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41.
Abstract The purpose of this study was to determine if the Multiphasic Sex Inventory (MSI) could be used to predict sexual reconviction. The MSI was administered to 119 convicted male sex offenders. Reconviction data were analysed using the receiver operating characteristic (ROC) over 2-, 5- and 10-year follow-up periods. The MSI scales Sexual Obsession and Paraphilia (Atypical Sexual Outlet) obtained good accuracy in predicting sexual reconviction over 2- and 5-year follow-up periods. A confirmatory factor analysis of the MSI scales yielded a four-factor solution: Sexual Deviance, Sexual Desirability, Dysfunctional/Justification, and Normal. The Sexual Deviance factor demonstrated good accuracy in predicting sexual reconviction at 2-year follow-up while the Normal factor was a poor predictor of sexual reconviction. Compared against an actuarial risk assessment measure for sexual offenders, the Sexual Obsession, Sexual/Social Desirability, and Sexual Dysfunction scales, and Sexual Deviance factor made a statistically significant contribution independent of the risk scale in predicting sexual reconviction. It is argued that rather than using the MSI solely as an assessment measure of psychosexual characteristics of sexual offenders in treatment programmes, it can be used to provide additional information as part of an assessment of risk of sexual reconviction. 相似文献
42.
Jose G. Lavoie Joseph Kaufert Annette J. Browne Sharon Mah John D. O'Neil Stephanie Sinclair Kathleen BlueSky 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2015,58(2):295-314
This study documents the policy framework that shapes First Nations' experience of relocating to access medical care. We analyzed policy documents and government websites, interviewed individuals who have experienced relocation, family members, healthcare providers, health administrators, and conducted two focus groups with government representatives. Federal and provincial program managers interpret policies, make decisions on eligibility, to extend or deny coverage. Decisions are shaped by shrinking budgets, fragmented program coverage, and jurisdictional confusion. Provider advocacy can help, but also perpetuate perceptions of arbitrariness and distrust. National policy renewal is required to redress this issue. 相似文献
43.
Poverty rates are particularly high among households headed by single women, and childbirth is often the event preceding these households’ poverty spells. This paper examines the relationship between legal access to the birth control pill and female poverty. We rely on exogenous cross‐state variation in the year in which oral contraception became legally available to young, single women. Using census data from 1960 to 1990, we find that having legal access to the birth control pill by age 20 significantly reduces the probability that a woman is subsequently in poverty. We estimate that early legal access to oral contraception reduces female poverty by 0.5 percentage points, even when controlling for completed education, employment status, and household composition. 相似文献
44.
Louise Dixon Catherine Hamilton-Giachritsis Kevin Browne Eugene Ostapuik 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(8):675-689
This study considers the characteristics associated with mothers and fathers who maltreat their child and each other in comparison
to parents who only maltreat their child. One hundred and sixty-two parents who had allegations of child maltreatment made
against them were considered. The sample consisted of 43 fathers (Paternal Family—PF) and 23 mothers (Maternal Family—MF)
who perpetrated both partner and child maltreatment, together with 23 fathers (Paternal Child—PC) and 26 mothers (Maternal Child—MC) who perpetrated child maltreatment only. In addition, 2 fathers (Paternal Victim—PV) and 23 mothers (Maternal Victim—MV) were victims of intimate partner maltreatment and perpetrators of child maltreatment and 7 fathers (Paternal Non-abusive Carer—PNC) and 15 mothers (Maternal Non-abusive Carer—MNC) did not maltreat the child but lived with an individual who did. Within their family unit, 40.7% of parents perpetrated both intimate partner and child maltreatment. However, fathers were
significantly more likely to maltreat both their partner and child than mothers and mothers were significantly more likely
to be victims of intimate partner violence than fathers. PF fathers conducted the highest amount of physical and/or sexual
child maltreatment while MC and MV mothers perpetrated the highest amount of child neglect. Few significant differences between
mothers were found. PF fathers had significantly more factors associated with development of a criminogenic lifestyle than
PC fathers. Marked sex differences were demonstrated with PF fathers demonstrating significantly more antisocial characteristics,
less mental health problems and fewer feelings of isolation than MF mothers. MC mothers had significantly more childhood abuse,
mental health problems, parenting risk factors and were significantly more likely to be biologically related to the child
than PC fathers. This study suggests that violent families should be assessed and treated in a holistic manner, considering
the effects of partner violence upon all family members, rather than exclusively intervening with the violent man.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Louise Dixon, Center for Forensic and Family Psychology, School of Psychology, University
of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, B15 2TT, United Kingdom. 相似文献
45.
46.
Browne Onuoha 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(1):69-87
This article argues that neither the amnesty granted the militants nor the election of Goodluck Jonathan as President of Nigeria will be sufficient to resolve the conflict in the Niger Delta as the crisis in the Niger Delta is an offshoot of some of the contradictions in the Nigerian federal structure, particularly the regional and power imbalance in the Constitution of 1960. Therefore, no matter how conceived, the Niger Delta crisis remains more fundamentally constitutional and political than socio-economic or environmental. Accordingly, what the paper attempts to address is the deliberate attempt by the Nigerian state to diminish the constitutional and political aspects of the crisis, while it creates the impression that the root of the problem of the Niger Delta is neglect and inequitable distribution of national resources by the federal government. The paper brings to the fore the constitutional and the political aspects which have underpinned the Niger Delta crisis since the 1950s and 1960s and concludes that any resolution of the crisis short of those imperatives will not endure. 相似文献
47.
We show how conceptions of ‘market citizenship’ hold a central place in three distinct arenas: political theory; mainstream cultural narratives, and the views expressed by middle class Latino immigrants. Our analyses of both print media coverage and interviews with middle class Latino immigrants demonstrate that the narrative of market citizenship has heavily influenced the collective US understanding of state membership. This project not only finds a clear market framing in news coverage of the immigration issue, but finds that members of the Latino community have directly engaged with this frame and use it to refute the largely negative contentions of the popular press. 相似文献
48.
Brendan Browne 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2014,37(9):792-805
Twenty years on from the 1994 cease-fires, Northern Ireland is a markedly safer place for children and young people to grow up. However, for a significant number, growing up in post-conflict Northern Ireland has brought with it continued risks and high levels of marginalization. Many young people growing up on the sharp edge of the transition have continued to experience troubling levels of poverty, lower educational attainment, poor standards of childhood health, and sustained exposure to risk-laden environments. Reflecting on interdisciplinary research carried out since the start of the “transition” to peace, this article emphasizes the impact that embedded structural inequalities continue to have on the social, physical, mental, and emotional well-being of many children and young people. In shining a light on the enduring legacy of the conflict, this article moves to argue that greater attention needs to be given to the ongoing socioeconomic factors that result in limited lifetime opportunities, marginalization, and sustained poverty for many young people growing up in “peacetime” Northern Ireland. 相似文献
49.
Christopher Krebs Matthew J. Breiding Angela Browne Tara Warner 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(6):487-500
Those who experience intimate partner violence (IPV) are often subjected to multiple types of victimization such as physical
violence, sexual violence, psychological aggression, and stalking. However, relatively few studies have used a national population-based
sample and multivariate methods to analyze the associations between these different types of violence. This study uses multivariate
methods to analyze a national population-based sample of women in order to document empirically the extent to which different
types of IPV overlap, while controlling for personal and behavioral characteristics. Results indicated significant levels
of overlap, with victims often experiencing more than one type of victimization by an intimate partner. Findings also indicated
that women who had experienced violence by non-intimate partners were often more likely to experience violence by intimates.
Finally, women who had experienced stalking by an intimate were more likely to experience more forms of IPV on average than
those who had experienced physical violence, sexual violence, or emotional aggression. 相似文献
50.
In this paper, we explore paradoxes and contradictions in Canadian health policy discourses that define Aboriginal women as empowered citizens on the one hand and as discredited medical subjects on the other. Drawing on critical discourse theory, we analyze health policy discourses within the contexts of related political and public discourses about Aboriginal peoples in Canada. We describe a double-speak: a paradox between the constructions of Aboriginal women as citizens in dialogue with government in health policy “reforms,” and their construction as discredited medical subjects who lack legitimacy in health care services. Intertwined with explicit resistance to Aboriginal entitlements, deconstruction of health policy discourses within this political context is central to understanding how Aboriginal women continue to be discredited through processes of marginalization. 相似文献