The Political economy of regulating occupational health: the Ham and Beaudry reports

Abstract. The article examines the content and findings of the report of the Ham Royal Commission on the Health and Safety of Workers in Mines (in Ontario), and the preliminary report of the Beaudry inquiry into health in the Quebec asbestos industry. The reports are analyzed in relation to a case study (on the Matachewan asbestos plant) and in the broader context of the main variables in the political economy of regulating occupational health (and hazardous substances). These variables include the market economy and the production cycle, the role of organized labour, federalism, and the choice of governing instruments, the organizational forms for regulation, the relationships between regulation-making and regulatory compliance, the openness of regulatory processes, and the scientific and laymen's conflicting approaches to evidence and causal knowledge. The analysis suggests that by far the heaviest causal weight in explaining past regulatory inadequacies should be placed on the raw economics of regulating occupational health and on how this has been aided and abetted, by design or by neglect, by interdepartmental jurisdictional conflict. The two reports reinforce the continuing need, intellectually, to link policy with administrative behaviour and to relate both to the Canadian industrial system. Sommaire. L'auteur de cet article examine la teneur et les conclusions du rapport de la Commission royale Ham sur la santé et la sécurité des mineurs (en Ontario) et le rapport préliminaire de l'enquěte Beaudry sur la santé dans l'industrie de l'amiante, au Québec. Il analyse ces rapports en relation avec une étude de cas (une exploitation d'amiante dans la Matachewan) et dans le contexte plus large des différentes variables de l'économie politique régissant la santé au travail (et les produits nocifs). Ces variables comprennent l'économie du marché et les cycles de production, le rǒle de la main d'oeuvre syndiquée, le fédéralisme et le choix des instruments gouvernementaux, les formes institutionnelles de réglementation, les rapports entre l'élaboration des réglements et la façon dont ils sont respectés, l'ouverture du processus de réglementation et les conceptions opposées des scientifiques et des profanes face aux faits et à la connaissance des causes. Il se dégage de cette analyse que les principales causes des carences régle- mentatoires sont les préceptes économiques de la réglementation de la santé au travail et la façon dont, sciemment ou par défaut, les conflits de juridiction départementaux ont joué dans le měme sens. Les deux rapports réitèrent la nécessité constante de relier, intellectuellement, la politique au comportement administratif et d'établir les relations de l'un et de l'autre avec le système industriel canadien.     

A Trojan horse: Anti-communism and the war on drugs

This work argues the U.S. War on Drugs is a misnomer. We suggest, instead, that it is secondary to traditional anti-Communist foreign policy concerns. Thus, the war on drugs serves to mask the U.S. counter-intelligence and paramilitary presence abroad.This paper in slightly different form was originally presented at the meeting of the Drug Policy Foundation, Washington, D.C., October 1988.     

Quality Counts: Extending the Strategic Politician Model of Incumbent Deterrence

Competitive elections are essential to representative democracy. Competition in U.S. House elections is low in part because incumbents have strategic advantages that deter strong potential candidates from running. Many observers conclude that incumbents retain their seats without full accountability to the electorate, but the mechanisms of deterrence have never been fully explored from the perspective of strong potential candidates. Based on a survey of potential House candidates designed to capture perceptions of incumbents' personal quality and reelection prospects, we find strong evidence for the "strategic politicians" thesis ( Black 1972 ; Jacobson and Kernell 1983 ). We extend the logic of the strategic model first by showing that incumbents' reelection prospects are affected by their personal quality and second by demonstrating that incumbents' personal qualities deter strong challengers from running, independent of their electoral prospects. Our findings prompt us to suggest revisions to our understanding of competition and representation in contemporary House elections .     

Public Preferences for Program Tradeoffs: Community Values for Budget Priorities

A growing literature concerns techniques to improve community-based reforms and citizen-centered governance in order to reinforce the trust in democratic government. We analyze a contingent choice technique that systematically collects information about individual citizens' relative values of a set of state public programs. Individual citizens are asked to allocate a fixed increment of public funds. Individuals reveal their marginal willingness to trade off (MWTTO) additions in one program for additions in another. MWTTO values provide program rankings and information concerning the relative strength of citizen preferences. An example of a contingent choice survey is described.     

Using the tax system to collect fines

In this article we consider the possibility that fines could be collected through the tax and social welfare systems in the same way as higher education contributions and child support payments are currently administered. We argue that the existing system of fine collection and enforcement leads to high default rates and reduces the usefulness of fines as a sanction. We consider a range of models for the implementation of an income-related fine collection system, and discuss their possible implications for issues including judicial independence, the time taken to repay fines and aggregate fine revenue.     

Association of a Mixed Anxiety-Depression Syndrome and Symptoms of Major Depressive Disorder During Adolescence

The relations between an empirically derived syndrome of Anxiety-Depression and an analogue measure of Major Depressive Disorder (MDD) are examined in a longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of adolescents. Analyses of parents' reports and adolescents' self-reports indicate that there is moderate correspondence between scores on the Anxious-Depressed syndrome and symptoms of the MDD Analogue. Furthermore, scores on the syndrome predicted MDD Analogue symptoms 3 years later with sensitivities ranging from .69 to .71 and specificities from .69 to .93. Meeting criteria for either the Anxious-Depressed syndrome or the MDD Analogue was associated with low social or academic competence and high scores on other syndromes of psychopathology. Implications for integration of empirical/dimensional and categorical/diagnostic approaches are highlighted.     

Federalism and America's Public Works

On 24 February 1988, the National Council on Public Works Improvementsubmitted its final report on the nation's public works to thepresident and the Congress. The report concluded that America'sinfrastructure is not in ruins, as charged by the landmark bookentitled America in Ruins. The report did say, however, thatthe nation's infrastructure is only barely adequate and gettingworse. The council urged the nation to reverse course and givegreater attention to infrastructure renewal and expansion. Inthe council's view, federalism will be a major factor in thesuccess of the needed turnaround. Such change will require sharedresponsibilities involving the federal, state, and local governmentsplus the private sector. Significant changes in the relationshipsamong these actors have made the 1980s a decade of transition,diminishing federal influence on infrastructure issues.     

IMPACT ASSESSMENT AND POLICY FAILURE: THE NUCLEAR WASTE POLICY ACT OF 1982

We examine the role of environmental assessments in the siting process mandated under the ambitious Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982. We analyze the effect of these assessments in both the western and eastern United States using the original documents, critiques of the methodology of the assessments, and public comments on the siting process, including a content analysis of hearings in Wisconsin and Maine. We conclude that the major effect of the assessments on the policy process was to stimulate public and state opposition to the Department of Energy's efforts to implement NWPA, leading to what could be called policy failure and a significant redirection of the act by Congress in late 1987. The paper represents an early report of a more comprehensive and ongoing study of the politics of nuclear waste disposal.