National Competition Policy and its Implications for Local Government

Two aspects of National Competition Policy (NCP) are likely to be the catalyst of change in Australian local government (LG): competitive neutrality and the reform of public monopolies. Competitive neutrality will be achieved in LG through the imposition of tax equivalents, removal of debt guarantees and cross-subsidisation deemed not to be in the public interest. The reform of public monopolies will open more functions to competition.
But other items of the NCP are also of significance to LG. The imposition of prices oversight of LG services will make these more cost reflective. Legislative reviews at LG level will produce deregulation in some cases and greater uniformity in others while the issue of allowing private access to LG assets has competitive potential in relation to the services and provision of roads, parks and sewerage treatment.
We emphasise the importance of recognising the present benefits of current LG operations and cite the current proposal to privatise Tasmania's water and sewerage services as an example. NCP has the potential to produce further LG boundary amalgamations, or to accelerate regional cooperation as an alternative. The role of cross-border and competitive tendering in this respect are highlighted. Finally, we analyse the implications of the NCP for the Local Government Grants Commission process.     

COMMENTARY

This is a comprehensive paper with which I find many points of agreement. An examination of evolution in Treasury thinking provides a useful perspective on attitudes at the federal level to alternative policy approaches. A distinction needs to be drawn however, between the public perception of the Treasury rationale, and the ongoing approach within the department. While the changes in public stance that Whitwell identifies are important, I would see those as representing changes in emphasis in the Treasury approach, rather than a major recasting of Treasury thinking.     

Contemporary Canadian federal information policy

Abstract: In this overview of the status of Canadian federal information policy current initiatives are examined against a background of historical context. The politics of access (the Privacy and Access to Information acts), policy development, and policy implementation provide the main points of focus for discussion. Relationships between the Canadian private sector information industry and the government are considered, particularly in respect to policy implementation. The Canadian information environment is such that the government views the information that it produces as a corporate resource. As such, government information is seen as too valuable to be left unmanaged. The question facing government policy-makers is how to manage the people's information without precluding the people's access to it. There is discussion as well of the undercurrent of frustration among policy-makers outside the Treasury Board who perceive that an inordinate amount of time is spent studying problems rather than making progress towards practical solutions. The question is raised and examined as to whether such intense and protracted interest in government information issues reflects their importance or government impotence. Finally, some matters are offered for future consideration as Canada moves towards the policy implementation and evolution phases in its quest for an effective and well-rounded national information and communications policy. Sommaire: Dans cet aperçu général de I'état de la politiyue canadienne fédérale d'in-formation, les auteurs présentent les initiatives actiielles siir line toile de fond histori-que. Leur analyse a pour objet principal les politiques d'accès à I'information (lois sur la vie privée et I'accès h I'information), ainsi clue P élaboration et I'instauration de ces politiyues. Les auteurs s'intéresseiit aux relations entre I'industrie de I'informatioii du secteur privé canadien et le gouvernement. tout particulièrement au niveau de la mise à exécution des politiyues. Le monde canadieii de I'information est tel yiie le gouvernemeiit considère I'information yu'il produit coinme tine ressoiirce goiiverneineiitale. À ce titre, l'information goiiveriiemeiitale s'avère bien trop précieuse pour lie pas être gérée. La question qui se pose aux responsables des politiyues gouvernenientales est alors la suivante: comment gérer I'information sans empêcher ceux et celles qu'elle concerne d'y avoir accês. Les auteurs se penchent également sur les frustrations qui apparaissent chez les responsables des politiques, à I'extérieur du Conseil du Trésor, du fait qu'à leur avis I'on passe beaucoup trop de temps àétudier les probèmes au lieu de progresser vers des solutions concrètes. Un intérêt aussi intense et prolongé pour les questions soulevées par I'information gouvernementale traduit-il I'importance de ces questions, ou reflète-t-il I'impuissance du gouvernement? Les auteurs examinent cette question. Enfin, ils proposent plusieurs thèmes qui mériteront réflexion à I'avenir, alors que le Canada entre dans les phases de I'application et de I'évolution de ses politiques, dans sa quête plus large d'une politique nationale judicieuse en matière d'information et de communication. Bruce Morton is associate professor and assistant dean of lihraries at Montana State University, Bozeman. mt Steven D. Zink is professor and assistant university lilmrian at the University of Nevada. Reno, nv . The authors are associate editor and editor-in-chief respectively of the journal Government Publications Review (Pergamon Press). Research for this study was funded by a 1989 faculty research grant from the Canadian emhassy, Washington. DC. We would like to express our special gratitude to nuinerous Canadian government officials, only some of whom are cited in this paper. who took time from busy sclietlules to speak openly and at length with us about information policy issues. Our thanks also to Canadians Ken Rubin. Rolwrt Gibson, and Gordon Grahame.     

Political participation of ethnic minorities in the 1980s

Currently political participation, especially voter registration and turnout, varies substantially with ethnicity. Blacks and non-Hispanic whites participate at roughly equal rates, while Latinos and Asian-Americans are substantially less active. This variation may be the direct product of cultural factors, or it may reflect differences in the distribution of various determinants of participation, most notably education, citizenship, and age. Using data collected in 1984 on samples of California's black, Latino, Asian-American, and non-Hispanic white populations, we conclude that such variables fully account for lower Latino participation rates. Even with these controls, however, Asian-Americans remain less likely to vote. Because ethnic group consciousness is one of the variables related to activity, we conclude that ethnicity does have an indirect effect on participation as a basis for mobilization. In addition, we establish that noncitizens engage in nonelectoral activities, and we project future political participation rates of Latinos and Asian-Americans under several scenarios.     

Interpreting Polak: Monetary analysis in ‘dependent’ economies

The Polak model is ordinarily considered to be a quantity theory view of the world, in which the level of income is determined by changes in the stock of money. This interpretation is not warranted by close examination of the model, which can equally well be interpreted as a purely Keynesian framework for income determination, modified to reflect the particular characteristics of an open, developing economy. And because of these modifications, the Polak model leads to policy conclusions quite distinct from either of the standard macro theories.     

Science and technology in the nuclear regulatory process: the case of Canadian uranium miners

Abstract. The article examines the role of science and technology in the nuclear regulatory process by focusing on Canadian efforts over the past two decades to regulate the health of Canadian uranium miners. While analysed in the general context of the political economy of the Canadian uranium industry, the article examines in particular a number of aspects of the role of science and technology in the nuclear regulatory process, including Hafele's concept of ‘hypotheticality’, the openness of the regulatory process, the relationships between causal knowledge and political evidence, the relationship between the regulators' research priorities and the lack of applied controls and monitoring technology, the degree of deference paid by domestic regulators to international standard-setting bodies, and finally the redistributive effects encouraged by a lack of appropriate science and technology priorities. The regulation of the health of Canadian uranium miners has not been an example of regulatory virtue. The excesses of scientific caution shown in the processes of handling causal knowledge and evidence, when combined with the regulators' split personality of being both regulator as well as quasi-promoter and manager of the nuclear and uranium industry, allowed only the most intermittent attention to be given to uranium workers.