首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   822篇
  免费   28篇
各国政治   57篇
工人农民   18篇
世界政治   65篇
外交国际关系   83篇
法律   367篇
中国政治   8篇
政治理论   231篇
综合类   21篇
  2023年   4篇
  2021年   4篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   22篇
  2016年   26篇
  2015年   16篇
  2014年   12篇
  2013年   136篇
  2012年   17篇
  2011年   29篇
  2010年   19篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   26篇
  2007年   26篇
  2006年   36篇
  2005年   39篇
  2004年   37篇
  2003年   41篇
  2002年   31篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   16篇
  1999年   21篇
  1998年   12篇
  1997年   16篇
  1996年   14篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   11篇
  1993年   13篇
  1992年   11篇
  1991年   10篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   9篇
  1988年   10篇
  1987年   10篇
  1986年   17篇
  1985年   6篇
  1984年   6篇
  1983年   10篇
  1982年   7篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   4篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   5篇
  1977年   5篇
  1975年   6篇
  1974年   5篇
  1971年   3篇
  1969年   3篇
排序方式: 共有850条查询结果,搜索用时 109 毫秒
141.
Bruce Cronin 《安全研究》2013,22(1):132-163
In “Protecting ‘The Prize': Oil and the U.S. National Interest,” Eugene Gholz and Daryl G. Press present an important counterargument to many common but overwrought worries about energy security. Yet they themselves go too far in the opposite direction. Gholz and Press argue that only three types of potential oil market disruptions could induce “particularly painful” adjustments and hence rise to the highest level: consolidation of a large fraction of Persian Gulf reserves under a single power, domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, and blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. I argue in this response that Gholz and Press confine the second and third scenarios too narrowly, and hence understate the security risks stemming from U.S. dependence on oil.  相似文献   
142.
143.
144.
145.
Since 1995 Dr. Brendan O'Shea, a former European Union Monitor, has been studying developments in the Balkans with his predictive article, Kosovo—Another Bosnia in the Making, awarded the Seamus Kelly Literary Award in Ireland. Nine years after NATO troops first deployed in Bosnia, and five years after KFOR commenced operations in Kosovo, he once again examines the overall situation in the region and is ill at ease with his findings.  相似文献   
146.
In America, Britain and Australia the threat of terrorism has been used to justify radical new legislation that gives police and intelligence agencies unprecedented powers to detain and question people believed to have information connected to terrorism. In this paper I explore the nature of the threat of non-state terrorism—threat to national security and the well-being of citizens. I argue that terrorism does not pose a threat sufficient to justify the kinds of counterterrorism legislation currently being enacted. Furthermore many of the current counterterrorism practices pose a greater threat to individual physical security and well-being than non-state terrorism. We should fear counterterrorism more than we fear terrorism.  相似文献   
147.
148.
Accurately predicting revenue growth is nearly impossible. Predicting the peaks and valleys of the business cycle is even more hopeless. This matters because tax revenues are largely driven by economic growth. Volatile, unpredictable revenue growth causes all sorts of unpleasant responses on the part of governments, most commonly manic-depressive patterns of spending and taxing. Fortunately, modern financial economics gives us a set of tools that can be used to manage volatility. This article shows how such tools can be used to inform fiscal decision making. The focus here is state governments, but the analysis applies to all jurisdictions that face hard budget constraints and therefore must balance spending increases against revenue growth.  相似文献   
149.
150.
The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of a form of violence that represents a potential barrier to the development of a nonviolent criminology. Using several contentions drawn from Emile Durkheim’s theory of crime and punishment, it is proposed that persuasive arguments entail a component of violence where they contradict strong collective sentiments. The general nature and normality of this form of violence are outlined. In addition, it is suggested that although neglect of this violence may allow progressive researchers to maintain nonviolent self-conceptions, such neglect also may serve the interests of “intellectuals” while undermining the power of “nonintellectuals.” The violence of persuasive argument thus constitutes a problematic paradox for scholars who embrace nonviolence and equitable distributions of power.
Bruce DiCristinaEmail:
  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号