全文获取类型
收费全文 | 822篇 |
免费 | 28篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 57篇 |
工人农民 | 18篇 |
世界政治 | 65篇 |
外交国际关系 | 83篇 |
法律 | 367篇 |
中国政治 | 8篇 |
政治理论 | 231篇 |
综合类 | 21篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 26篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 136篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 29篇 |
2010年 | 19篇 |
2009年 | 22篇 |
2008年 | 26篇 |
2007年 | 26篇 |
2006年 | 36篇 |
2005年 | 39篇 |
2004年 | 37篇 |
2003年 | 41篇 |
2002年 | 31篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 16篇 |
1999年 | 21篇 |
1998年 | 12篇 |
1997年 | 16篇 |
1996年 | 14篇 |
1995年 | 12篇 |
1994年 | 11篇 |
1993年 | 13篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 10篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 17篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 10篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 6篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有850条查询结果,搜索用时 109 毫秒
141.
Bruce Cronin 《安全研究》2013,22(1):132-163
In “Protecting ‘The Prize': Oil and the U.S. National Interest,” Eugene Gholz and Daryl G. Press present an important counterargument to many common but overwrought worries about energy security. Yet they themselves go too far in the opposite direction. Gholz and Press argue that only three types of potential oil market disruptions could induce “particularly painful” adjustments and hence rise to the highest level: consolidation of a large fraction of Persian Gulf reserves under a single power, domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, and blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. I argue in this response that Gholz and Press confine the second and third scenarios too narrowly, and hence understate the security risks stemming from U.S. dependence on oil. 相似文献
142.
143.
144.
Willa Bruce 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6-8):959-962
145.
Steve Bruce 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):61-80
Since 1995 Dr. Brendan O'Shea, a former European Union Monitor, has been studying developments in the Balkans with his predictive article, Kosovo—Another Bosnia in the Making, awarded the Seamus Kelly Literary Award in Ireland. Nine years after NATO troops first deployed in Bosnia, and five years after KFOR commenced operations in Kosovo, he once again examines the overall situation in the region and is ill at ease with his findings. 相似文献
146.
Bruce Newsome 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):75-89
In America, Britain and Australia the threat of terrorism has been used to justify radical new legislation that gives police and intelligence agencies unprecedented powers to detain and question people believed to have information connected to terrorism. In this paper I explore the nature of the threat of non-state terrorism—threat to national security and the well-being of citizens. I argue that terrorism does not pose a threat sufficient to justify the kinds of counterterrorism legislation currently being enacted. Furthermore many of the current counterterrorism practices pose a greater threat to individual physical security and well-being than non-state terrorism. We should fear counterterrorism more than we fear terrorism. 相似文献
147.
148.
Accurately predicting revenue growth is nearly impossible. Predicting the peaks and valleys of the business cycle is even more hopeless. This matters because tax revenues are largely driven by economic growth. Volatile, unpredictable revenue growth causes all sorts of unpleasant responses on the part of governments, most commonly manic-depressive patterns of spending and taxing. Fortunately, modern financial economics gives us a set of tools that can be used to manage volatility. This article shows how such tools can be used to inform fiscal decision making. The focus here is state governments, but the analysis applies to all jurisdictions that face hard budget constraints and therefore must balance spending increases against revenue growth. 相似文献
149.
150.
The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of a form of violence that represents a potential barrier to the development
of a nonviolent criminology. Using several contentions drawn from Emile Durkheim’s theory of crime and punishment, it is proposed
that persuasive arguments entail a component of violence where they contradict strong collective sentiments. The general nature
and normality of this form of violence are outlined. In addition, it is suggested that although neglect of this violence may
allow progressive researchers to maintain nonviolent self-conceptions, such neglect also may serve the interests of “intellectuals”
while undermining the power of “nonintellectuals.” The violence of persuasive argument thus constitutes a problematic paradox
for scholars who embrace nonviolence and equitable distributions of power.
相似文献
Bruce DiCristinaEmail: |