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111.
Bryan Evans Janet Lum John Shields 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2007,50(4):609-634
Abstract: In the summer of 2006, a survey was sent to the 941 senior public administration executives who held the rank and title of deputy minister or assistant deputy minister in the federal, ten provincial and three territorial jurisdictions in Canada. The survey explored, among other variables, age, education, gender, ethno‐racial status, aboriginal background and career trajectory. The response rate to this survey was 43.61 per cent. Obviously those in the deputy/assistant deputy cadre (referred to in this article as the “public‐service élite,” or pse ) are important actors in the life of the Canadian state, but relatively little is known about them. The authors report on and analyse the meaning and significance of their findings not only for a Canadian perspective but also, on the value of such research in the broader comparative sense. Their data also allow the examination of various dimensions of representative bureaucracy at the most senior levels in Canada. Sommaire: Au cours de l'été 2006, un sondage sous forme de questionnaire a été envoyé aux 941 cadres supérieurs de la fonction publique qui occupaient des postes de sous‐ministres ou de sous‐ministres adjoints au gouvernement fédéral, au gouvernement des dix provinces et des trois territoires du Canada. Le sondage portait, entre autres variables, sur l'âge, l'éducation, le sexe, le statut ethno‐racial, les origines autochtones et la trajectoire de carrière. Le taux de réponse à ce sondage a été de 43,61 pour cent. Évidemment, les personnes qui occupent les postes de sous‐ministres et de sous‐ministres adjoints (désignés dans le présent article sous le nom d' «élite de la fonction publique» ou «éfp ») sont des acteurs importants dans la vie de l'État canadien, mais on les connaît assez peu. Les auteurs donnent un compte rendu et font une analyse de la signification et de 1'importance des résultats, non seulement pour avoir une perspective canadienne, mais aussi pour voir la valeur d'une telle recherche à des fins de comparaison plus vaste. Leurs données permettent également d'examiner diverses dimensions de la bureaucratie représentative aux niveaux les plus élevés du Canada. 相似文献
112.
Background
Research on racial bias in the United States includes findings that Americans tend to view blacks as more dangerous than whites. Some have argued that this bias provides a likely explanation for the disproportionate number of ethnic and racial minorities shot by police. One piece of evidence for this proposition comes from experimental work in which research participants push “shoot” or “don’t shoot” buttons when still images of people and objects that may or may not be weapons are presented in rapid succession. These studies have established that participants tend to subconsciously pair black individuals with weapons and white individuals with neutral objects. However, it is not clear from these studies that the subconscious racial bias identified by researchers affects actual decisions to shoot, perhaps because the techniques used to assess the bias-shooting link bear so little resemblance to real-world shootings.Methods
This paper reports on the results of a novel laboratory experiment designed to overcome this critical limitation by using high-fidelity deadly force judgment and decision-making simulators to assess both subconscious and behavioral bias among 48 research participants, recruited from the general population.Results
Study results suggest that subconscious associations between race and threat exhibited by participants are not linked to their shooting behavior.Conclusions
The implications of this finding for understanding how race and ethnicity affect decisions to shoot, and for conducting empirical research on this important topic, are discussed. 相似文献113.
Bryan T. McGraw 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2014,17(3):289-313
Thinkers committed to an ideal of public reason are suspicious of religiously informed political activity as it undermines democratic political legitimacy. This paper considers Jürgen Habermas’s recent shifts on this question in light of the history of Europe’s religious parties in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These parties made a real and lasting contribution to Europe’s democratization and their history suggests ways in which Habermas and other defenders of public reason misunderstand the nature of democratic political legitimacy. 相似文献
114.
Madeleine O. Hosli Rebecca Moody Bryan O��Donovan Serguei Kaniovski Anna C. H. Little 《The Review of International Organizations》2011,6(2):163-187
Changing the composition and voting system of the Security Council, in an effort to increase the institution’s global legitimacy,
is proving to be one of the most difficult hurdles to overcome for the global community of states represented in the United
Nations (UN). This paper demonstrates that due to institutional hurdles, it is considerably more difficult today than it was
in the early years of the UN to reach a winning coalition in the General Assembly to secure Security Council reform. In addition,
the paper analyzes the effects that adapted patterns of voting, as prescribed by recent reform proposals, would have on the
distribution of power among UN member states in the Security Council and on the probability that this institution can form
a winning coalition, i.e., reach decisions. Our power and decision capacity computations are based on (modified) Penrose-Banzhaf-Coleman
measures. 相似文献
115.
Discharge of a Pistol Out a Car Window with the Breech Within the Interior of the Car: Analysis of Gunshot Residue on a Car's Interior Surfaces 下载免费PDF全文
The defendant, the driver of the questioned car, allegedly extended his right arm over the passenger seat and fired a single shot from a 380 pistol out the passenger window with the pistol's breech within the car. A simulation of this shooting scenario using the same model car, but different year, was conducted to quantitate gunshot residue (GSR) contamination of interior surfaces within the car. The test car's dash and headliner/window frame above the pistol had the heaviest GSR contamination. The dash GSR from airborne deposition documents a firearm discharge within the vehicle. Transfer from GSR‐contaminated hands or clothing to the dash is unlikely. The heavy GSR contamination of the headliner/window frame above the pistol likely documents the window from which the pistol was fired, but additional experiments are needed to verify. 相似文献
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