首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   333篇
  免费   7篇
各国政治   11篇
工人农民   15篇
世界政治   34篇
外交国际关系   24篇
法律   126篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   121篇
综合类   5篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   10篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   9篇
  2016年   9篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   40篇
  2012年   4篇
  2011年   15篇
  2010年   10篇
  2009年   7篇
  2008年   8篇
  2007年   10篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   10篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   16篇
  2001年   11篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   8篇
  1997年   13篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   5篇
  1992年   7篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   4篇
  1989年   6篇
  1988年   4篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   8篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   2篇
  1981年   4篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   2篇
  1974年   2篇
  1973年   4篇
  1971年   2篇
  1970年   2篇
  1969年   5篇
  1968年   4篇
  1967年   2篇
  1965年   2篇
排序方式: 共有340条查询结果,搜索用时 20 毫秒
181.
Toward a Psychology of Framing Effects   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Framing is the process by which a communication source constructs and defines a social or political issue for its audience. While many observers of political communication and the mass media have discussed framing, few have explicitly described how framing affects public opinion. In this paper we offer a theory of framing effects, with a specific focus on the psychological mechanisms by which framing influences political attitudes. We discuss important conceptual differences between framing and traditional theories of persuasion that focus on belief change. We outline a set of hypotheses about the interaction between framing and audience sophistication, and test these in an experiment. The results support our argument that framing is not merely persuasion, as it is traditionally conceived. We close by reflecting on the various routes by which political communications can influence attitudes.  相似文献   
182.
This article examines the current system for targeting federal rental housing assistance, a rationed program rather than an entitlement, to households with the greatest need. It describes the current systems for eligibility and for ranking households on waiting lists, and then analyzes relative needs for assistance among different groups of households. We conclude that the main policy objective should be to maintain the present system against the leakages that are starting to occur. We also recommend that assistance be targeted more heavily to families than at present and less to the elderly, and that nonelderly single persons be made fully eligible for assistance.  相似文献   
183.
Lund  Nelson 《Publius》2003,33(3):63-82
Until recently, the federal courts agreed that the Second Amendmentprotects the interest of states in maintaining their own militias.In United States v. Emerson, the U.S. Court of Appeals for theFifth Circuit rejected this consensus, and held that the Constitutionprotects a right of private individuals to keep and bear arms.The fifth circuit's position is more plausible than the consensusview, and the arguments for treating the Second Amendment asa kind of federalism device are weak. A different set of federalismissues is raised by the prospect that the Supreme Court mightadopt the fifth circuit's position, and then take the next stepof applying the Second Amendment to the states through the FourteenthAmendment. Finally, Emerson shows how certain technical legaldoctrines that protect the dignity of he states can operateto strengthen the federal government's ability to undermineprotections afforded by the Second Amendment.  相似文献   
184.
We conducted an experimental analysis of the causes of corruption, varying the ease of hiding corrupt gains, officials’ wages, and the method of choosing the law enforcement officer. Voters rarely re-elect chief executives found to be corrupt and tend to choose presidents who had good luck. Directly elected law enforcement officers work more vigilantly at exposing corruption than those who are appointed. Increasing government wages and increasing the difficulty of hiding corrupt gains both reduce corruption.  相似文献   
185.
From 1980 to 2000, 50 percent the new housing in the United States was located in a development project where it was subject to the governance of a private community association. The creation of a community association requires unanimous consent, which is achieved in practice by requiring home owner agreement as a condition of initial purchase in new developments. In an established neighborhood of existing homes and other properties, however, it is for practical purposes impossible at present to create a private community association. This paper proposes that state governments enact legislation to allow for retroactive creation of private community associations in established neighborhoods with a vote of less than unanimous consent. In this way, the same advantages of private neighborhood government that have proven so attractive to such large numbers of suburban homeowners in recent years could be extended as well into inner city areas.  相似文献   
186.
Corruption and government size: A disaggregated analysis   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Goel  Rajeev K.  Nelson  Michael A. 《Public Choice》1998,97(1-2):107-120
Using annual state-level data over 1983–1987, this paper examines the effect of government size on corruption by public officials by including both demand and supply side incentives for engaging in corrupt practices. Our objectives are twofold. First, we assess the relationship between the incidence of corruption and overall measures of the size of the federal government and the state-local sector in each state. Second, we explore what kinds of government activities are more likely to be successful in deterring abuse of public office. Our results are generally supportive of Becker's “crime and punishment” model. Regarding the primary focus of the paper, our results show that government size, in particular spending by state governments, does indeed have a strong positive influence on corruption.  相似文献   
187.
188.
189.
190.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号