Justice Without Transition: Truth Commissions in the Context of Repressive Rule

While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades, the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems, may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations, the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s 1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.

New Thinking in Financial Market Regulation: Dismantling the “Split Share Structure” of Chinese Listed Companies

China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy, slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform. Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007, and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo, Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman, Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are purely my own.     

Histological examination of carotid artery tissue in cases of ligature strangulation and hanging

Violence against the neck can result in a range of macromorphological and micromorphological findings. However, the forensic relevance of the carotid sinus in cases of violence against the neck remains controversial. In this follow-up study of 22 cases of suicidal and accidental strangulations, carotid bifurcations were examined histologically for morphological changes implying direct trauma, including haemorrhage and immunohistochemical expression of heat-shock proteins 27, 60, and 70 and aquaporin-3. These cases were compared with a control group (82 cases) without neck compression or head trauma and with variable causes of death. No relevant histopathological findings implying direct trauma of the carotid bifurcation were found. No cases showed positive aquaporin-3 staining and only five cases showed positive heat-shock protein-27 staining, all of which were hangings. Without massive trauma of the carotid bifurcation, histological alterations cannot be expected. Without signs of rapid death, findings of acute circulatory failure, macromorphological and micromorphological findings of neck compression, and reliable markers indicating relevant impact on the carotid bifurcation the diagnosis of a lethal reflex cannot be verified.

Key points

• Among 22 cases of strangulation causing death, there were 16 cases of hanging and 6 cases of ligature strangulation
• Few cases showed small haemorrhages located predominantly in the surrounding fat and connective tissues; however, the haemorrhages did not have any effects on the tissues
• Neck compression had minimal effects on heat shock protein 27 expression in carotid artery tissue
• Aquaporin-3 staining suggested it is not a useful marker for relevant neck pressure, or that there had not been any relevant neck impact
• Our findings suggested no direct evidence for reflex cardiac death resulting from a brief force against the neck

     

Mobilizing from the Margins: Domestic Citizen Politics and Yasukuni Shrine

Prime Minister Koizumi’s six consecutive annual visits to Yasukuni shrine played a key role in initiating a new phase of domestic citizen political mobilization not seen since the early 1970s. This paper is based on field research during the Koizumi years (2001–2006) centering on domestic groups that conduct activities in “protection” of or “opposition” to Yasukuni shrine. As a study of street-based politics, this paper seeks to uncover the processes, strategies, and outcomes of citizen responses to elite political action at Yasukuni Shrine as well as explore meaning of their actions within the context of Japan’s democratic polity.