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71.
Robert Kaestner Bowen Garrett Jiajia Chen Anuj Gangopadhyaya Caitlyn Fleming 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2017,36(3):608-642
We examined the effect of the expansion of Medicaid eligibility under the Affordable Care Act on health insurance coverage and labor supply of low‐educated and low‐income adults. We found that the Medicaid expansions were associated with large increases in Medicaid coverage, for example, 50 percent among childless adults, and corresponding decreases in the proportion uninsured. There was relatively little change in private insurance coverage, although the expansions tended to decrease such coverage slightly. In terms of labor supply, estimates indicated that the Medicaid expansions had little effect on work effort despite the substantial changes in health insurance coverage. Most estimates suggested that the expansions increased work effort, although not significantly. 相似文献
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The Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, USA, is recognized globally as a model for land and wildlife conservation, management, and policy. A major policy problem in the region is the highly contentious winter feeding of elk (Cervus elaphus) on 23 government feed grounds in western Wyoming through cooperative management under several state and federal agencies. Numerous non-governmental groups and concerned citizens are also affected by elk management or seek to contribute to management policies. The long-term controversy shows that this issue centers on how management and policy should be made and who should be involved in decision-making—the constitutive policy process. This paper examines and appraises the constitutive process in this case, including how competency, authority, and control are allocated. It also looks at how institutions, analytic techniques, procedures, and people are structured, selected, and included or excluded in decision-making processes. Our data come from a multi-method approach over the past decade, including participant-observation, historical literature, interviews, media analysis, and technical reports. Our analysis shows that institutional dynamics severely constrain the scope of deliberations, the production of practical problem definitions, and the search for improvements in elk management. We recommend that participants focus on the constitutive level of policy making, i.e., the underlying structure and functioning of policy processes, learn how these elements function and affect processes and outcomes, and learn to configure them in ways that embody democratic principles, serve common interests, and resolve policy problems. 相似文献
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Wesley G. Jennings John K. Cochran Caitlyn N. Meade M. Dwayne Smith Sondra J. Fogel Beth Bjerregaard 《Women & Criminal Justice》2017,27(3):139-150
It was not too many decades ago that rape was a crime for which the death penalty was a permissible punishment in the United States, particularly in death penalty states in the South. Relatedly, historical and contemporary death penalty research almost always focuses on the role of the race of the defendant and, more recently, the race of the victim and defendant–victim racial dyads as being relevant factors in death penalty decision making. As such, the current study employs data from official court records for the population of capital trials (n = 954) in the state of North Carolina (1977–2009) to evaluate the effect of the rape/sexual assault statutory aggravating factor on jurors’ decision to recommend the death penalty. Results suggest that cases in which rape is an aggravating factor had a significantly greater odds of receiving a death penalty recommendation, and these results are robust after also considering the independent effects of defendant–victim racial dyads, even following the application of propensity score matching to equate cases on a host of defendant and victim characteristics, legal and extralegal confounders, and case characteristics. Study limitations and implications are discussed. 相似文献
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Traditional approaches to the assessment and treatment of individuals who have demonstrated dangerous behavior have been based upon a trait model of personality. The social competence model differs from the trait model by assuming that much behavior is situationally determined, that new socially competent behavior patterns can be acquired through observation of models and practice, and that the frequency of undesirable behaviors can be reduced by increasing the frequency of incompatible, desirable behaviors. This paper reports the applications of the social competence model to the assessment and treatment of men in a security hospital, including individuals confined because of specific offenses, such as sex crimes, arson, and institutional assault, as well as those with high overcontrolled-hostility scores, low overall social skill ratings, and low popularity ratings from their peers. The social skills training approach that we have employed has been most successful with sex offenders and arsonists. The results suggest that the most withdrawn and shy individuals derive the greatest benefit from our social skills training approach while overassertive individuals benefit least. It is hypothesized that staff may reward unassertive patient behavior and punish assertive behavior and that future research must focus on changing this pattern in order to foster socially competent behavior by institutional residents. While many problems remain to be answered, our preliminary results suggest the usefulness of the social competence approach in the assessment and treatment of dangerous psychiatric patients and offer the possibility that the approach may lead to better control of violent behavior in the future. 相似文献
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In US history, much human rights policy developed in four waves during the twentieth century. These waves were triggered by
similar circumstances, but all proved short-lived as structural constraints such as limited US power over other countries’
domestic actions, competing US policy priorities, a US hesitance to join multilateral institutions, and the continued domestic
political weakness of human rights advocates led to setbacks. As Barack Obama took office, his campaign comments and the past
patterns led to widespread expectations that he would introduce new human rights initiatives. His policies, though, would
continue to face the structural constraints and would be affected by the Bush administration’s legacy. It was predictable
that many of Obama’s initiatives would be only partially implemented and only partially successful. As expected, Obama’s first
years have seen mixed results, but the Obama administration has advanced US human rights policies sufficiently in half-dozen
key areas to say that a fifth wave of human rights policy development is underway. 相似文献