全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1191篇 |
免费 | 77篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 98篇 |
工人农民 | 64篇 |
世界政治 | 169篇 |
外交国际关系 | 82篇 |
法律 | 658篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 196篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 15篇 |
2021年 | 31篇 |
2020年 | 47篇 |
2019年 | 52篇 |
2018年 | 80篇 |
2017年 | 71篇 |
2016年 | 63篇 |
2015年 | 45篇 |
2014年 | 67篇 |
2013年 | 188篇 |
2012年 | 52篇 |
2011年 | 45篇 |
2010年 | 29篇 |
2009年 | 27篇 |
2008年 | 37篇 |
2007年 | 35篇 |
2006年 | 35篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 35篇 |
2003年 | 36篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 27篇 |
2000年 | 35篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 8篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 7篇 |
1965年 | 4篇 |
1963年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1268条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
221.
Julián Arévalo Gabriel Angarita Tovar Wilber Jiménez Hernández 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(218):233-269
This article sets out changes which the Colombian party system experienced throughout the last two decades. It focuses on the topics, ideology and party divisions present in a representative sample of the last four legislatures’ congress members. This study is based on factorial and discriminate analyses, making use of the Latin American Parliamentarian Elites database. This article holds that the 2003 political reform had a positive effect on Colombian parties’ and social movements’ ideological coherence within Congress. Electoral reforms are also discussed in the light of these findings. 相似文献
222.
223.
224.
Emanuela Macek-Macková 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(4):615-633
This article examines the break-ups of post-communist Czechoslovakia and the Union of Serbia and Montenegro under consociationalism. According to Arend Lijphart, social divisions may be neutralized at the elite level with power-sharing mechanisms. Lijphart's theory has been abundantly criticized, particularly because, while its intention is to induce cooperation, consociationalism does not give leaders actual incentives to cooperate. Czechoslovakia and the Union qualified as consociations; however most favorable factors were absent. The states failed to overcome their divisions and broke apart. Both states were going through a democratization period, experienced differently in each republic. The article argues that the application of consociationalism at this time magnified the divisions. Stirring up the ethnic sensitivity of the population was the most reliable strategy for politicians to secure popular support. In this context, and with the EU enlargement prospect, the consociational structure, instead of bringing elites together, weakened the federal power and provided elites the opportunity to defend republican interests at the expense of the federations. Hence, while a consociation requires certain conditions and favorable factors, the context in which consociationalism is implemented, and particularly democratization periods, may have a decisive influence on the leaders’ ability to cooperate, on their decisions, and thereby on the state. 相似文献
225.
Humberto M. Trujillo Javier Jordán Jose Antonio Gutiérrez Joaquín González-Cabrera 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):558-579
This article has two principal objectives: (1) to study the behavioral dimensions of Muslim prisoners which predict their Islamist radicalism and (2) to study whether the behavior manifested by them is higher in prisons with a greater concentration of Muslims and a higher presence of prisoners convicted for Islamist terrorism than in prisons with fewer Muslims and no convicted Islamist terrorists. We conclude that some Spanish prisons may provide favorable social environments for jihadist radicalism and that the questionnaire utilized is a useful diagnostic tool for evaluating the magnitude of this phenomenon. 相似文献
226.
227.
Jozef Bátora 《Communist and Post》2013,46(3):387-396
This article argues that there is a difference in what constitutes the sources of recognition prior to countries' membership in the Euro-Atlantic community represented by NATO and after countries become its members. While prior to membership, countries are recognized for their compliance with NATO standards and policies, upon membership countries get the opportunity to promote specific interests legitimately and may seek recognition via non-compliance with NATO mainstream.The paper explores this dynamic of recognition on the issue of Kosovo independence where Slovakia went from supporting NATO in its effort to protect civilians in Kosovo in the late 1990s to non-recognition of Kosovo in defiance of the majority of NATO member states less than a decade later. The crucial point proposed here is that there was a shift in how recognition by NATO worked prior to Slovakia's membership and upon membership in these frameworks. While prior to membership recognition was achieved by compliance and identification with NATO standpoints, policies and actions, upon membership, recognition is achieved by differentiation from these patterns. More generally, the study shows that NATO membership is a powerful source of conditionality in relation to future members and a powerful source of legitimacy in relation to current members' actions. While this has been discussed in the literature, the point here is that recognition in its various forms is an important driving force in these conditionality processes. 相似文献
228.
This paper examines the features of Spanish local governments that influence the degree of their voluntary reporting of financial information on the Internet. Following an agency theory approach, we propose five hypotheses regarding the relationship between voluntary financial disclosure and the size, leverage, capital investment, political competition and press visibility of a local authority. The empirical application of these hypotheses shows that size, capital investment and political competition are positively associated with the degree of online reporting. We also found a negative and significant relationship between press visibility and voluntary financial disclosure. 相似文献
229.
Sebastián Royo Associate Professor Affiliate co-chair of the Iberian Study Group 《Democratization》2013,20(1):60-84
The main objective of this article is to examine how the links between trade unions and affiliated political parties of the left influenced the strategies of labour during the transition and the early years of democracy in Spain. It argues that political partisanship is a key factor for understanding the unions' strategies. After a period of intense labour conflict during the transition to democracy, labour mobilization decreased and Spain's unions and other social actors initiated distinctive processes of social bargaining, starting in 1979. The central argument is that the relationship of unions and political parties in the authoritarian and transition periods was a major factor in conditioning strategies in the post-authoritarian period. In the end, the consolidation of Spanish democracy has led to the strengthening of the main trade unions. Contrary to what happened in other historical periods they used this power to contribute to governability and the consolidation of the new democratic regime. 相似文献
230.
Tomás Dodds 《Democratization》2013,20(2):343-344
Privatisation and Liberalisation in the Middle East edited by Iliya Harik and Denis J. Sullivan. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1992. Pp.vi + 242; index. £30 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 253 32697 4 and 0 253 20748 7 Prospects for Democracy: North, South, East, West edited by David Held. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Pp.412; index. £45 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 0988 0 and 0 7456 0989 9 The Road to Post‐Communism, Independent Political Movements in the Soviet Union 1985–1991 by Geoffrey A. Hosking, Jonathan Aves and Peter F.S. Duncan. London and New York: Pinter Publishers, 1992. Pp.x + 236; bibliography; index. £37.50 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 1 85567 080 1 and 1 85567 081 X 相似文献