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Peter Drahos 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(1):11-39
After the Agreement on the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) came into operation in 1995 developing countries have found themselves in a process of continual negotiation over intellectual property rights and access to medicines. These negotiations have taken place in the World Trade Organization and in the context of free trade agreements. The paper suggests that the only real win for developing countries has been the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health in 2001. What have been the lessons for developing countries in a decade of negotiations over access to medicines? Drawing on themes of rule complexity and regulatory ritualism the paper discusses four key lessons for developing countries. It concludes by arguing that developing countries will do better if they adopt a networked governance approach to negotiation rather than continuing to rely on traditional coalition formation. 相似文献
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This paper explores the multi-layered representations of violence and crime in the recent Hollywood film Gangs of New York [Scorcese (2003) Miramax]. We use our exploration of this film to suggest that popular culture, even through its most mainstream products, can be seen as a critical criminological space where alternative views of law, crime and the state are made available. Rather than understanding Hollywood movies simply as vehicles for disseminating conventional mores, we suggest that they can furnish critical (and complex) points of view on law and crime and that the project of a critical criminology can be strengthened by engaging more forthrightly with these ubiquitous cultural forms. 相似文献
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Drawing on the strategic surprise, warning-response, and foreign policy literature, this article argues that the September 11 terror attacks should be regarded as a strategic surprise and examines a number of key factors that contributed to vulnerability and inhibited vigilance. Three broad explanatory "cuts" derived from the literature—psychological, bureau-organizational, and agenda-political—are deployed to sift through the rapidly expanding empirical record in an effort to shed light on the processes and contextual factors that left the United States vulnerable to the attacks. The article aims to improve our understanding of generic processes and practices that enhance or detract from vulnerability and vigilance. 相似文献
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This paper examines the value of an alternative approach to SSR policy, namely a multi-layered one in post-conflict and fragile state environments. It begins by arguing that there is a state-centric bias in current SSR policy and practice. This contradicts development principles of a ‘people-centred, locally owned’ approach in post-conflict and fragile state contexts. The SSR's state-centric approach rests upon two fallacies: that the post-conflict and fragile state is capable of delivering justice and security; and that it is the main actor in security and justice. The paper goes on to present the outline of a multi-layered strategy. This addresses the issue of who is actually providing justice and security in post-conflict and fragile states. The paper continues by describing the accountability mechanisms that could be pursued by SSR programmes in support of this approach. The conclusion is that the advantage of the multi-layered approach is that it is based not on the state's capacity, but on the quality and efficacy of the services received by the end user, regardless of who delivers that service. 相似文献
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Eric T. Schluessel 《Central Asian Survey》2007,26(2):251-277
Efforts to promote and impose Mandarin Chinese as the language of instruction in ethnic minority schools in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, aimed at further integrating the state and raising regional educational and economic quality, have had mixed success. The 2004 plan to consolidate Han Chinese and minority elementary and middle schools and to make Mandarin the universal language of instruction in those schools is fostering an immersive second-language environment without prior preparation for students, bringing native speakers of Mandarin into unfair competition with non-native speakers. The increased focus on Mandarin has already had grave consequences for ethnic relations, especially in urban Uyghur schools, where the project is focused, while the mandate for change in educational curriculum and methodology has also been poorly planned and remains under-resourced, negatively impacting educational quality. The Chinese government has available to it other language policy solutions that are both more workable and friendlier to minority sensibilities. 相似文献
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Fukunari Kimura 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(2):197-211
East Asia, including Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, has developed tightly-linked production/distribution networks through
globalizing corporate activities. The vertical chain of production in East Asia has been even more sophisticated than economic
integration in East Europe or Latin America. However, the political environment of East Asia for trade and investment has
been far from borderless. The integration effort at the policy level has been very much limited so far, due to the historical
background as well as geopolitics surrounding East Asia.
The Asian currency/financial crisis provided these countries a historical turning point. After the burst of the crisis, East
Asians realized that they have to take care of themselves in their difficulties, not depending on outside forces. A natural
choice for them was to step into the realm of regionalism. In 1998, Japan and Korea officially announced that they would discard
the long-lasting GATT/WTO-only approach and adapt the multi-layered approach, including both regionalism and multilateralism.
The ultimate goal of regionalism would be a region-wide integration including ASEAN+3. As a steppingstone, Japan signed the
Japan-Singapore Economic Partnership Agreement (JSEPA) in January 2002. In a parallel move, the ASEAN and China Leaders announced
in November 2001 the establishment of an ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) within 10 years.
This article will follow up the most recent advancement of regional institutional building in East Asia with the emphasis
on peculiar characteristics of economic integration in the region and discuss its implications for Asia-Europe relations.
This paper is heavily drawn from Kimura (2002, 2003). 相似文献