全文获取类型
收费全文 | 471篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 20篇 |
工人农民 | 31篇 |
世界政治 | 35篇 |
外交国际关系 | 36篇 |
法律 | 225篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 142篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 20篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 101篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 15篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 19篇 |
2004年 | 18篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 21篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有504条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
371.
The world‐wide diffusion of the ombudsman concept and the accompanying academic literature have failed to produce a universal definition of “ombudsman.” As a result, liberal interpretations of the concept have flourished, and the invention of technical terms has gone unchecked. This article examines the two most commonly cited definitions of an ombudsman and the wealth of technical terms for their conformity to the original concept. A definition for public sector ombudsmen congruent with primordial functions and recent conceptual extensions is proposed. The article concludes with a taxonomy of the different kinds of ombudsmen in place today. 相似文献
372.
Carl J. Saxer 《Asia Europe Journal》2013,11(4):397-413
In November 2010, the G20 Summit was held in Seoul. The G20 has increasingly replaced the G8 as being the premier forum for international economic cooperation, but in November 2010, it was the first time that a summit was held in country that was not a G8 member. It was by the Korean government seen as evidence of the country finally having achieved the goal of becoming an advanced nation playing, while still constrained by the division of the peninsula, a global role in line with its economic standing. The article argues that this has been a constant theme in Korea’s foreign policy since it was originally formulated in 1994 as part of the country’s globalization policy. This addition of an intentional dimension, to the objective capabilities created during the previous decades, has increasingly resulted in the type of behavior associated with middle power status. 相似文献
373.
374.
375.
Carl Swidorski 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):55-80
This paper examines the legal restrictions on the labor movement's right to picket and strike since the passage of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) or Wagner Act in 1935. The NLRA was seen as a statutory equivalent of the First Amendment for the labor movement, guaranteeing workers rights of association and expression they had been denied historically through the use of court injunctions, criminal conspiracy prosecutions, and extra-legal violence. Supreme Court decisions of the late 1930s, often arising out of labor conflicts, also significantly expanded rights of freedom of association and expression. Yet a report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in 2000 concluded that US workers lacked the basic rights to organize, bargain, and strike required by international human rights standards. It found that US labor laws permitted employers to fire, harass, and intimidate workers with impunity. This paper examines the decline of these rights since the Wagner Act, seeing the roots of the legal decline in the ambivalent legacy of the Act itself. On the one hand, both the Act and the Court legally recognized unions as legitimate political organizations and extended to them many of the associative and expressive freedoms that had been available to other groups. On the other hand, the legal price for this recognition of legitimacy was the restriction of a range of expressive activities. Subsequently, labor's rights came to be treated more under the framework of industrial relations and economic policy than of civil liberties and constitutional freedoms. This gradual legal retrenchment, along with political and economic developments, left the labor movement severely weakened by the end of the century, with significantly less legal protection than its counterparts in other economically advanced countries. I explore these developments by relating them to the literatures on American exceptionalism and industrial relations. Theoretically, I rely on work which examines the relationship between institutional structure and human agency to understand the strategic choices made by corporations, state actors, and the labor movement. The paper concludes with an assessment of recent calls for labor law reform as a strategy for reviving the labor movement. 相似文献
376.
Carl Boggs 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):451-466
One of the epic moments in the American political experience, Pearl Harbor has been the subject of continuous historical analysis as well as cinematic documentation and representation—and remains a topic of debate to this day. As the event which triggered US entry into World War II, it fundamentally altered the way Americans came to view the global arena and the US place within it. Although Pearl Harbor at the time symbolized national defeat and humiliation at the hands of the Japanese, the event has been celebrated in endless ceremonies, rituals, books, TV specials, monuments, and movies, emerging as a defining moment of the “good war” legacy. This article explores the distinctive film output associated with Pearl Harbor, with particular focus on Michael Bay's 2001 blockbuster Pearl Harbor, and argues that this movie (among others) so systematically distorts and mystifies the actual historical record as to thoroughly “remake” the event and everything surrounding it for public consumption. 相似文献
377.
378.
Oser C Leukefeld C Staton-Tindall M Duvall J Garrity T Stoops W Falck R Wang J Carlson R Sexton R Wright P Booth B 《Crime and delinquency》2011,57(4):600-621
Despite the increase in media attention on "meth cooking" in rural areas of the United States, little is known about rural stimulant use, particularly the criminality associated with stimulant use. Data were collected from community stimulant users in rural Ohio, Arkansas, and Kentucky (N=709). Findings from three logistic regression models indicate that younger stimulant users (x =32.55, SD = 10.35), those with more convictions, and those who used crack frequently were significantly more likely to have been arrested for committing a substance-related crime, a property crime, or another crime in the 6-months before entering the study. Implications include the need for longitudinal studies to further understand rural stimulant use as well as increasing community and corrections-based drug abuse prevention and treatment interventions for stimulant users who live in rural areas. 相似文献
379.
380.
Abstract: This study examined eight previously published ear prediction methods by Welcker, Gerasimov, Fedosyutkin and Nainys, and Broadbent and Mathews. Computed tomography scans of 78 living adults (n1) did not support any of these previously published recommendations. Free earlobes were found to accompany protruding supramastoid crests (Pearson’s χ² < 0.05); and ear length [l] and width [w] differed by sex (p < 0.05), correlated with age (r = 0.38[l]; 0.32[w]), and correlated with facial height (r = 0.37[l]; 0.30[w]). New regression equations (for ear length and width) were generated using these variables in several samples and, where possible, cross‐validated using independent data (n1 = 78, n2 = 2190, n3 = 1328, n4 = 1010, and n5 = 47). As a result of these analyses, four valid and tested methods for ear prediction were identified, but large degrees of error continue to make accurate prediction of the ear, from the skull, problematic. 相似文献