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331.
Fishing communities are highly dependent on fishing and maritime economies. Regulations and techniques attempt to control quotas, types of fish caught, and the gear utilized in the industry. Furthermore, societal preferences and markets dictate the value of the fish transacted. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship and recent changes between fishing and community development in two fishing communities in Massachusetts: Gloucester and New Bedford. Moreover, I also discuss the role that fish food plays in cities and their foodways. The research asks how these communities have adapted to changes in fishing stocks, techniques, socioeconomic trends and regulations during the last two decades. A resilience public affairs approach centered on seven governance dimensions of fisheries is utilized to analyze the case studies. It is argued that specializing in niche markets, developing adequate industry facilities, and nurturing the cultural aspects endemic to each fishing community has positively influenced the communities' capacity to withstand major societal transformations. The harbor plans for Gloucester and New Bedford provide some plausible directions toward future improvements in the fishing sector. 相似文献
332.
Carlos Martinez 《北京周报(英文版)》2021,64(33):24-25
正The U.S. has made human rights a central component of its foreign policy since the Jimmy Carter administration(1977-81). Carter, seeking to improve the international image of the U.S. in the aftermath of the Viet Nam War, criticized human rights abuses and the lack of political freedoms in various U.S.-allied dictatorships, including Chile and Nicaragua. Such criticisms were designed not only to enhance the reputation of the U.S. internationally but also to buttress and give credibility to its ongoing ideological warfare against the socialist world. 相似文献
333.
This article explores the nature of the relations between the governors and the mayors of major cities in Argentina. The vast majority of the literature assumes that municipal governments in Argentina are weak, and that mayors therefore align with the provincial authorities. This study argues that there is more diversity in the relations between officials of both levels, and that, in some cases, these relations are openly contentious. Four ideal types of relations are identified, based on political affiliation and type of relation, through the systematisation of 43 cases of major Argentine cities. 相似文献
334.
Edgar E. Ramírez de la Cruz Eduardo José Grin Pablo Sanabria-Pulido Daniel Cravacuore Arturo Orellana 《Public administration review》2020,80(4):683-695
The COVID-19 pandemic has created a crisis that is challenging national and local governments to innovate in their responses to novel problems. Despite similarities to the challenges confronted in developed countries, for Latin American governments, these problems are amplified by structural obstacles such as social inequalities. These countries must respond with capacities and resources that are often limited by spoils systems and by social and political polarization. This essay provides an overview of some innovative practices in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Mexico. In particular, this essay concentrates on some salient collaborative efforts in the region. To draw lessons from these practices, the authors focus on the formal and informal institutions that facilitate or obstruct collaboration across jurisdictions. The findings are discussed in terms of the transaction costs of collaboration identified in these experiences. 相似文献
335.
Carlos Andrés Uribe 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2014,16(2):175-189
Abstract This work deepens the analysis of the “dark side” of social capital proposed by Alejandro Portes and Patricia Landlot and revisited by Peter Graeff. For this purpose, it combines the individualistic approach of economic theory with the social perspective of other social sciences to study the economics of corruption embedded in a social structure (a network of trust). It assesses the importance of social relations as a necessary condition to achieve corrupt objectives. To do so, a model of corrupt public contracts embedded in networks of trust is built. Theoretical evidence is found on the importance of networks of trust for the success of corrupt deals between officials and recipients. In addition, seeds are sown for future research and analysis of the role of institutions and monitoring agencies. Finally, the foundation is laid for research in the field of experimental economics to conduct an empirical examination of this proposed model and some policy implications are derived. 相似文献
336.
337.
Maldonado Luis Olivos Francisco Castillo Juan Carlos Atria Jorge Azar Ariel 《Social Justice Research》2019,32(3):349-383
Social Justice Research - In this article, we explore the associations of people’s valuations of universal healthcare with risk exposure and humanitarianism across diverse institutional... 相似文献
338.
Carlos Manuel lvarez 《耶鲁评论》2019,107(4):236-251
339.
Carlos Martin-Rios 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2018,18(1):e1695
This theoretical paper uses a complete review of organizational control configuration (OCC) literature to illustrate the innovation, complexity and dynamics of control in knowledge-intensive organizations (KIOs). On the basis of interdisciplinary analysis of the extant literature on OCC, the paper offers a comprehensive look at the “control pathway” taken by the various KIOs. By means of this integrative review of existing theory and research, the paper argues for greater attention to KIOs' control rationales in OCC theory and research. In doing so, it offers a comprehensive conceptual framework for the study of control in KIOs and suggests a number of propositions for future research. 相似文献
340.
Carlos D. Ramirez 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2012,17(3):291-311
Many scholars argue that a sizable share of the news about China published in U.S. newspapers engages in ??China Bashing.?? This paper quantifies the extent of the bashing and examines its effect on Sino-American relations. To measure bashing, I develop an index based on the count of articles in major U.S. newspapers that are related to China and also touch on one or more of the following issues: human rights, Tibet, democracy, child labor, and repression. I repeat this process for newspapers from Australia and New Zealand to net out ??fundamental?? news. To examine the effect of the bashing on Sino-American relations, I use the China-US relations score of Yan et al. (Zhongwai guanxi dingliang yuce, [?????????????; Quantitative Forecasts of China??s Foreign Relations]. Beijing, China: Shijie heshi chubanshe, 2009, Zhongwai guanxi jianlan 1950-2005??Zhongguo yu daguo guanxi dingliang hengliang [??????????1950-2005???й???????????????; China??s Foreign Relations with Major Powers by the Numbers 1950-2005]. Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2010) and estimate a dynamic transfer model with the constructed bashing index, as well as other control variables. The results indicate that a one-standard-deviation shock in bashing leads to a 0.038 point decline in Yan??s Sino-American index after about four months. The results further imply that the cumulative long-run effect of persistent China bashing is equivalent to about 50?% of the decline in Sino-American relations that followed the U.S. bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade on May 7, 1999, the worst shock to Sino-American relations during the sample period, 1990 to 2010. 相似文献