全文获取类型
收费全文 | 445篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 80篇 |
世界政治 | 31篇 |
外交国际关系 | 14篇 |
法律 | 198篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 100篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 7篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 51篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 12篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 12篇 |
2007年 | 17篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 21篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 12篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 6篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 9篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有456条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Friedman SH Hrouda DR Holden CE Noffsinger SG Resnick PJ 《Journal of forensic sciences》2005,50(6):1466-1471
Forensic hospital records of 39 severely mentally ill mothers adjudicated Not Guilty by Reason of Insanity for filicide (child murder by parents) were analyzed to describe characteristics preceding this tragedy and to suggest prevention strategies. Almost three-quarters of the mothers (72%) had previous mental health treatment. Over two thirds (69%) of the mothers were experiencing auditory hallucinations, most frequently command hallucinations, and half (49%) were depressed at the time of the offense. Over one third (38%) of the filicides occurred during pregnancy or the postpartum period, and many had a history of postpartum psychosis. Almost three-quarters (72%) of the mothers had experienced considerable developmental stressors, such as death of their own mother or incest. Maternal motives for filicide were predominantly "altruistic" (meaning murder out of love) or "acutely psychotic" (occurring in the throes of psychosis, without rational motive). Psychiatrists should perform careful risk assessments for filicide in mothers with mental illnesses. 相似文献
52.
Coohey C 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2004,19(8):943-952
The purpose of this study is to understand why some battered mothers physically abuse their children. Mothers who were battered and physically abused their children (the co-occurrence group) were compared with mothers who were neither battered nor physically abused, who were only battered, and who only abused (N = 184). The mothers in the co-occurrence group were more likely than the mothers who did not physically abuse their children to have been severely assaulted by their own mothers as children, have had poorer quality relationships with and receive less support from their mothers, have more stressors, and have known their partners for less time. These differences were not found between the mothers in the co-occurrence and abuse-only groups. In the multivariate analysis, having been assaulted by one's own mother as a child--not being battered by one's partner--was the most potent predictor for whether a mother physically abused her child. 相似文献
53.
This study explored the effects of judges' personal characteristics (gender, race, age, and political affiliation) and case characteristics on the outcomes of federal cases of hostile environment sexual harassment. Results revealed that even after controlling for the effects of relevant case characteristics (e.g., severity of the harassment), judges' personal characteristics influenced case outcomes. Specifically, younger judges and Democrat judges were more likely to find for the plaintiff (the alleged victim of harassment). The probability that the decision would favor the plaintiff was only 16% when the case was heard by an older judge but 45% when heard by a younger judge. The probability that the decision would favor the plaintiff was only 18% when the case was heard by a judge who had been appointed by a Republican president but 46% when the judge had been appointed by a Democrat president. 相似文献
54.
55.
56.
Gunther Hellmann Rainer Baumann Monika Bösche Benjamin Herborth Wolfgang Wagner 《外交政策分析》2005,1(1):143-164
Since the end of the Cold War and unification, Germany's policy toward and within the European Union (EU) has undergone significant changes. Once a model "Europeanist," Germany has become increasingly reluctant to support the progressive implementation of key projects of European integration. Neither an instance of a planned strategic change nor a result of an inevitable adaptation to structural shifts at the systemic level, these changes in German foreign policy, incremental yet significant as they are, evade both deterministic and voluntaristic accounts of foreign policy change. Integrating insights from foreign policy analysis, integration theory, and social theory, the article develops an innovative framework for analysis that is applied to Germany's European asylum and refugee policy as well as its security and defense policy. The origins of both policy fields at the European level can be traced back to initiatives that were supported by or even originated in Germany. However, as the 1990s progressed Germany increasingly obstructed further institutionalization. While in the field of asylum and refugee policy the Amsterdam summit marks a clear turning point in Germany's position, the transformation of German policies on European security and defense proceeded rather as an incremental decrease in material support, aggravating substantive progress in the policy field more broadly. An unanticipated consequence of earlier initiatives, in both cases Germany has found it increasingly difficult to live up to the expectations it has helped to raise. 相似文献
57.
58.
59.
60.
Carol E. Morgan 《Women's history review》2013,22(1):137-144
This article is a comment on Sheila Blackburn's response to the author's original essay, ‘Gender Constructions and Gender Relations in Cotton and Chain-making in England: a contested and varied terrain’, which appeared in Women's History Review (6[3], 1997). As the author repeats in this response, the apparently dominant artisanal discourse of the male chainmakers of nineteenth-century Walsall, supporting the exclusion of female labor from the trade, was undermined by conditions existing in Cradley Heath, where the community depended on that labor. Foregrounding this division regarding gender understandings, it is argued, provides a vantage point from which to gain a fuller and more accurate picture of the ways in which those understandings, as well as gender and community relations, were negotiated in one industry towards the end of the nineteenth century 相似文献