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201.
Caroline Ifeka-Moller 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):317-318
Présenté par ses promoteurs comme une initiative renouvelant l'approche du Développement en Afrique, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD) suscite dans la littérature des travaux essentiellement normatifs. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à savoir s'il introduit une innovation ou s'il perpétue des politiques préexistantes. En explorant la genèse, les idées et les stratégies du NEPAD, nous montrons que l'innovation postulée est limitée et mettons en évidence deux phénomènes explicatifs. Elle est limitée d'abord en raison de la dépendance au sentier précédemment balisé notamment par les institutions financières internationales; dépendance qui provient des phénomènes de diffusion des idées et de rigidité des structures et normes politiques institutionnalisées et implique une continuité avec les politiques antérieures. Elle est limitée ensuite en raison des stratégies instrumentales des dirigeants africains qui, répondant à l'appel des partenaires extérieurs, "jouent le jeu" en adoptant les idées, les discours et les stratégies dominantes en vue de recevoir des ressources subordonnées à cette attitude conformiste. 相似文献
202.
Caroline Lancaster 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(9):1672-1690
Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’ suggests that oligarchic party rule is inevitable, yet many parties have shown a strong commitment to intra-party democracy. However, Turkey’s akp is a typified case of Michels’ law, displaying an explicit commitment to intra-party democracy, only to later abandon it. I ask what factors have facilitated this transformation. Why does the iron law of oligarchy display itself in some parties but not in others? I argue that intra-party democracy owes its existence to three indicators – inclusiveness, decentralisation and institutionalisation. Conversely, it should be observed that a party shifting from democratic to oligarchic or personalistic intra-party rule will display decreasing levels of these three indicators in terms of policy formation and candidate selection. By tracing akp’s internal party operations since its founding in 2001, I demonstrate a gradual deterioration in these indicators, reflecting a gradual deterioration of democracy within the party to oligarchy and then to personalism. 相似文献
203.
Caroline Pearce 《German politics》2013,22(2):249-250
With data from a 1990–1992 panel survey determinants and political consequences of attitudes towards the abortion law in Germany are investigated. Compared to other issues, the topic is found not to be personally very salient to the average respondent. If it is perceived as highly important, however, such attitudes can be well accounted for, and have significant effects on voting intentions. General value orientations emerge as most important determinants, and the strongest impact on partisan preferences is found among women in the former GDR. 相似文献
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Caroline A. C. Remijn 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(2):201-211
Abstract In two experiments the effect of knowledge of the seriousness of an event's outcome on the estimated strength of its causes was studied. In experiment 1 participants (n=87) were shown a video of a homeless man being evicted from a police station by a police officer, during which the evictee fell. One group of participants were told that the homeless man subsequently died; the other group was told that he was uninjured. Participants who thought the homeless man had died more often blamed the policeman for the man's fall. Estimations of the force of the push were not directly related to the outcome of the event, but rather to the attribution of blame, with those who blamed the officer giving higher estimates of the force of the push. In experiment 2, before watching a revised version of the video, the participants (n=88) were assigned to one of four groups. Groups A and B were told that the homeless man had died; groups C and D were told that he had survived. In an effort to counter interference of blame attribution, groups A and C were told that the officer was to blame for the man's fall, and groups B and D that the officer was not to blame. The manipulation of guilt was not successful, but this time a significant relation between event outcome and push force was found, with those who thought the homeless man had died giving higher estimates of the force of the push than those who thought that the man had survived. As in experiment 1, those who thought the homeless man had died more often blamed the policeman and those who blamed the policeman again gave higher estimates of the force of the push. It appears then that the more tragic the outcome of a violent incident, the more blame witnesses tend to attribute to the perpetrator, and the more they tend to overestimate the amount of violence involved. 相似文献
206.
Carmen Corbett Vaneeta Patel Matthew Erikson Caroline Friendship 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):31-39
The violent reconvictions of a sample of sexual offenders discharged from prison between 1992 and 1996 (who had not been reconvicted of a sexual offence) were examined. The hypothesis was that a proportion of these violent reconvictions would have a sexual motivation. The sample consisted of 104 adult male sexual offenders for whom detailed information regarding their violent reconviction was available. The sample was categorized according to the motivation of the violent reconviction. It was found that a proportion of the violent reconvictions were sexually motivated (12%) and that some of these had resulted from an original charge for a sexual offence. Significant differences were found between the sexual motivation and violent motivation group on the number of criminal history and victim characteristic variables. It was concluded that, in the case of sexual offenders, violent convictions might mask the true motivation of the offence. 相似文献
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