全文获取类型
收费全文 | 61篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
专业分类
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 1篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1篇 |
法律 | 35篇 |
政治理论 | 21篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有64条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
32.
Janine O’Flynn Sue Vardon Anna Yeatman Lyn Carson 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2011,70(3):309-317
It is a long held tradition of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia (ASSA) to invite speakers to address the Fellow's Colloquium as part of the annual symposium, with an aim to spark discussion and debate on a controversial and contemporary topic. In 2010 the debate was focused on the question of whether there had been a degradation of the professional capacity of the Australian Public Service (APS) with regard to effective policy development and implementation. The contributions of each of the four panel members are reproduced here, in part, and they reflect the diverse perspectives which informed a robust and compelling debate. Janine O'Flynn, the editor of these contributions, argues that any claim of degradation is based on rumour rather than hard evidence, and she sets out how we might think about policy capacity from a public sector management perspective. Sue Vardon, the former CEO of Centrelink and the architect of a transformation change program which redefined the delivery of public services in Australia, reflects on the strengths of the APS, but points out the current stresses that it now finds itself under. Anna Yeatman, an expert in political theory and its application to citizenship and public policy, argues that in the last twenty years we have witnessed degradation in the work of government and that this has impacted on policy capacity. Lyn Carson, an expert in deliberative democracy, points to the unrealised capacity that could come from increasing citizen involvement. Policy capacity is degraded, she argues, because we have systems that are neither deliberative nor representative. Individually these contributions spark their own controversies; together they ask us to consider the question in different ways. 相似文献
33.
Although research has found that gang suppression efforts are largely ineffective, these policies have been responsible for the arrests of many gang youth. Prior research indicates that arrest is associated with deleterious consequences, but we know less about how arrest uniquely affects gang members. Using longitudinal data from a school-based sample, this study explores the effects of arrest for both gang and nongang youth. Propensity score matching and matched outcome analyses allow us to determine whether gang membership moderates the effect of arrest on later deviant outcomes. Our results indicate that the consequences of arrest are inconsistent with the goals of suppression tactics, with gang members reporting little to no change in deviant attitudes and peers and modest increases in delinquency. Meanwhile, nongang youth experience a range of consequences associated with arrest, including increased odds of gang-joining. 相似文献
34.
35.
In many partially or fully skeletonized forensic cases, postmortem animal damage is simply attributed to rodents or carnivores; little effort is made to determine the general size or assign a genus to the scavenger. As one of the largest wild carnivores to inhabit mountainous and forested areas throughout the continental United States, Alaska, and Canada, black bears (Ursus americanus) must be considered possible suspects when skeletonized remains are located showing marks of carnivore damage. Since 1995, three cases of known bear scavenging have been referred to the Maxwell Museum's Laboratory of Human Osteology by the New Mexico Office of the Medical Investigator for skeletal analysis. These cases comprise a total of seven individuals, and all of the remains were deposited in high altitude forests of New Mexico along the western border with Arizona with a minimum of 4 months exposure before recovery. When analyzed, all cases shared a similar pattern of element survivorship and damage. We suggest that bears can be distinguished from members of the canid family, the other common scavenger of human remains, based on the representation of skeletal elements at the scene. Rates and patterns of damage are not as accurate as element recovery in the discrimination of scavenger genus. Use of this information should allow forensic anthropologists to better understand the postmortem taphonomic processes that shaped the skeletal remains, and hopefully prevent misdiagnoses of perimortem trauma on elements not typically scavenged by canids. 相似文献
36.
Jamie L. Carson Gregory Koger Matthew J. Lebo Everett Young 《American journal of political science》2010,54(3):598-616
To what extent is party loyalty a liability for incumbent legislators? Past research on legislative voting and elections suggests that voters punish members who are ideologically “out of step” with their districts. In seeking to move beyond the emphasis in the literature on the effects of ideological extremity on legislative vote share, we examine how partisan loyalty can adversely affect legislators' electoral fortunes. Specifically, we estimate the effects of each legislator's party unity—the tendency of a member to vote with his or her party on salient issues that divide the two major parties—on vote margin when running for reelection. Our results suggest that party loyalty on divisive votes can indeed be a liability for incumbent House members. In fact, we find that voters are not punishing elected representatives for being too ideological; they are punishing them for being too partisan. 相似文献
37.
Carson Katherine Silz Chilton Susan M. Hutchinson W. George Scarpa Riccardo 《Public Choice》2020,183(1-2):1-1
Public Choice - Choice experiments, a survey methodology in which consumers face a series of choice tasks requiring them to indicate their most preferred option from a choice set containing two or... 相似文献
38.
Can states credibly communicate their intentions through covert policy tools, despite the absence of credibility-enhancing publicity? Most extant research suggests covert action and secrecy in general are uniquely uninformative and often used as an alternative to signaling. Yet episodes such as Richard Nixon's secret bombing of Cambodia suggest that leaders have used covert action to convey intentions and coerce adversaries. This article builds a theoretical framework for understanding signaling in the covert sphere, developing reasons why states find covert communication both intelligible (that is, the basic intended message is understandable) and credible (that is, the message is believable). We argue that two target audiences—local allies and strategic adversaries—tend to observe covert action and that the costs and risks incurred by initiating and expanding covert action credibly convey resolve. We assess our arguments empirically through careful process tracing of a set of nested covert interventions by Soviet and American leaders in conflicts in Angola and Afghanistan. Drawing on a trove of recently declassified material, we assess intentions and inferences related to covert signaling. We find that both strategic adversaries and local partners observed and drew inferences about resolve. Covert lethal aid programs thereby served as a credible indicator of resolve through three mechanisms we identify in the paper: sunk costs, counter-escalation risks, and domestic political risks. These findings have important implications for the study of coercive bargaining, secrecy, and reputation. They also shed light on an important policy tool contemporary policymakers will likely use, suggesting the kinds of effects covert action has and elucidating the basic interpretive framework needed to communicate messages with new methods like covert cyber attacks. 相似文献
39.
40.
Deliberative ideals have become commercial goods bought and sold in an expanding consultancy market. In this market, demand
is generated by government and advocacy groups seeking innovative ways to engage with the public. On the supply side are a
growing number of commercial organizations selling deliberative goods and services such as process design, facilitation and
evaluation. This paper characterizes the nature of this deliberative market, and considers its implications for democracy
and contemporary governance. An analysis of deliberative consultants finds that their professional world is more akin to a
‘community of practice’ rather than a marketplace. But the development of this community of deliberative practitioners could
go in opposing directions. On the one hand consultants could become the entrepreneurs of deliberative democracy, promoting
and demonstrating its benefits for policy making. On the other hand, if the motivations for deepening democracy are fully
replaced by business imperatives and competition, then the deliberative project would be severely undermined. Rather than
predict the future, the paper identifies some of the opportunities and challenges for democratic governance as elements of
deliberative democracy are commodified.
相似文献
Lyn CarsonEmail: |