和谐校园视域下的高校民主政治建设

民主政治是和谐校园的基础和保障。和谐校园下的高校民主政治建设应从三个方面来实现,即:加强高校党的执政能力,民主治校,依法治校;拓展民主渠道,实现决策科学化、民主化;完善民主机制,实现决策的制度化、规范化和程序化。     

青少年网络途径认知及其网络行为

青少年对网络途径的认知可从他们对网络的态度、对网络影响的认知、网络规范的认知和网络信度的认知四方面分析,青少年的需要、价值观及生活阅历等决定他们对网络社会化途径的认知和选择,从而导致青少年产生特定网络行为,表现为青少年上网的目的、时间与地点、迷恋程度以及对不良信息的阅读。要将网络的消极作用抑制在更小的范围,最佳方法就是教育:对青少年来讲,要加强“善待网络”的教育;对家长来讲,应系统的接受网络技术和网络道德方面的教育;对学校来讲,应该加强网络人文教育,培养“善待网络”的一代。此外,还要从整体上净化青少年成长的环境,重视媒介素质教育。     

论人民政协与网络参政的契合性

在我国现实的政治体制和政治生态环境背景下,加快人民政协信息化建设,实现人民政协与网络参政的有机结合是推动社会主义民主政治建设的必然选择,其中一个极其重要的原因是人民政协的工作机制与网络参政具有良好的契合性.人民政协作为最广泛的爱国统一战线组织,是发扬社会主义民主的重要形式,其协商式民主的特点决定了它能够充分应用网络参政不断扩大公民有序的政治参与,在构建社会主义和谐社会,推动社会主义民主政治建设中发挥独特的优势和作用.     

日本环境友好型生活方式的立法培育经验及对我国的启示

促进公众形成环境友好型的生活方式,是建设环境友好型社会的必然要求。环境资源问题在中国和日本均已成为制约经济和社会进一步发展的瓶颈。日本在培育国民形成环境友好型生活方式方面取得了很好的成效。从法律上来看,该国的经验在于制定了完备的立法体系,并在责任分配、教育说服、公众行为的引导和综合性法律调整四个方面规定了切实有效的法律制度。我国的相关立法不完善,制度的建设也存在欠缺。因此,在技术层面上定向地借鉴日本的成熟经验,按照我国的经济基础、环境状况、环境文化和国民生活方式等基本国情,逐步完善相关的立法和制度是必要的。实践证明也是可行和有效的。     

Restructuring structured analytic techniques in intelligence

Structured analytic techniques (SATs) are intended to improve intelligence analysis by checking the two canonical sources of error: systematic biases and random noise. Although both goals are achievable, no one knows how close the current generation of SATs comes to achieving either of them. We identify two root problems: (1) SATs treat bipolar biases as unipolar. As a result, we lack metrics for gauging possible over-shooting—and have no way of knowing when SATs that focus on suppressing one bias (e.g., over-confidence) are triggering the opposing bias (e.g., under-confidence); (2) SATs tacitly assume that problem decomposition (e.g., breaking reasoning into rows and columns of matrices corresponding to hypotheses and evidence) is a sound means of reducing noise in assessments. But no one has ever actually tested whether decomposition is adding or subtracting noise from the analytic process—and there are good reasons for suspecting that decomposition will, on balance, degrade the reliability of analytic judgment. The central shortcoming is that SATs have not been subject to sustained scientific of the sort that could reveal when they are helping or harming the cause of delivering accurate assessments of the world to the policy community.     

North Korea and the East Asian Security order: competing views on what South Korea ought to do

This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification.     

Executive capacity to control legislatures and presidential choice of cabinet ministers in East Asian democracies

How do presidents in new democracies choose cabinet ministers to accomplish their policy goals? Contrary to existing studies explaining the partisan composition of the cabinet with institutional characteristics, such as formal authority, we argue that the broader political context surrounding the president's ability to control the legislature can affect cabinet partisanship. By analyzing original data on cabinet formation in all presidential systems in East Asia since democratization, we find that when presidents are more likely to be dominant in executive–legislative relations, they have less concern about legislative support and more leeway to focus on policy performance by appointing nonpartisan cabinet members. This analysis suggests that understanding cabinet partisanship requires a view of cabinet appointments as a trade‐off between securing legislative support and managing policy performance, and the scope of this compromise depends on the strength of the president vis‐à‐vis the legislature.     

The autocratic mandate: elections,legitimacy and regime stability in Singapore

This paper explains how authoritarian regimes employ flawed elections to obtain both short-term legitimacy and long-term stability. In conjunction with the use of co-optation and repression, it argues that ruling parties hold de jure competitive elections to claim what is termed autonomous legitimation. This denotes the feigning of conformity to the established rules of the constitution and the shared beliefs of citizens. Regardless of overall turnout and support, ruling parties exploit the normative and symbolic value of elections in order to establish moral grounds for compliance within a dominant-subordinate relationship. In support of this argument, the case of Singapore's People's Action Party (PAP) is analysed in historical and contemporary terms. Since 1959, the PAP has used precisely timed elections to extract one or more mandate types from citizens and, by extension, claim legitimacy. In particular, it has sort a mandate based on its response to an event, execution of a policy and/or collection of a reward. In the long run, autocratic stability has been achieved through a process of reciprocal reinforcement, which has combined autonomous legitimation with targeted co-optation and low intensity coercion. The paper concludes by addressing the generalisability of this finding for other authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia.     

Reflexivity,participatory art,and the failures of monist representation

ABSTRACT

This essay engages in a dual-disciplinary theorizing of reflexivity as response to crises of democratic representation. We trace this crises through the parallel lenses of democratic theory and art history. As political theorists explore alternative representations of ‘the people,’ contemporary artists have developed their own responses to the crisis of monist representation. In both state institutions and in participatory art – and in the theorizing of both – we find the rejection of monist representations of ‘the people’ and the embracement of pluralist, partial, and proximate representations. These public reflexive spaces give voice to new, partial publics, and call attention to past and present exclusions.     

促渗透剂在鸡胚胎免疫中应用的初步研究

选用氮酮和丙二醇作促渗透剂,观察2种渗透剂在气室膜对台盼蓝的促渗透作用及对鸡胚的毒性作用.结果表明,10、20和40 g/L氮酮均有明显的促渗透作用,且其间差异不显著,但随其浓度升高,对鸡胚的毒性作用增强.