泰国国家发展规划的发展历程与解读

泰国经济与社会国家发展规划(以下简称国家发展规划),是二战后泰国政府为获得西方经济援助制定的国家发展总体规划。长期以来,泰国仅将国家发展规划视为获得西方援助的工具,而忽视国家发展规划对国家发展的指导作用。《泰王国2017年宪法》首次以宪法的形式规定国家"二十年国家战略"、国家发展规划为泰国国家总体发展规划,政府政策和预算必须依照国家发展规划制定。这标志着第十二份国家发展规划真正成为泰国国家发展的蓝图,同时也是泰国政府未来5年内推动国家发展的重要指引。     

兵团上市公司竞争力评价

竞争力是衡量上市公司发展状况的重要因素。本文运用SAS9.1软件,对2008年兵团上市公司若干财务数据进行因子分析,分别对兵团各个上市公司的竞争力进行了评价。     

广东省猪源葡萄球菌耐药性分析及多重耐药基因cfr的流行现状

为了解2013-2017年间广东省猪源葡萄球菌的耐药情况及多重耐药基因cfr的流行现状,采集生猪养殖场和交易市场猪鼻腔拭子分离葡萄球菌,采用琼脂稀释法测定分离菌株对14种抗菌药物的敏感性,并用PCR检测mecA和cfr基因的携带情况。结果显示,在采集的4099份样品中分离到葡萄球菌1485株,其中金黄色葡萄球菌173株。猪源葡萄球菌对红霉素、四环素、泰妙菌素、克林霉素、沃尼妙林和氟苯尼考耐药严重,耐药率分别为91.0%、90.2%、87.7%、84.6%、84.6%及82.0%,对利福平和利奈唑胺相对敏感,未发现万古霉素耐药菌株;庆大霉素、四环素、红霉素和环丙沙星的耐药率呈现逐年上升的趋势。在1485株葡萄球菌中,mecA和cfr的检出率分别为39.9%和12.3%。cfr阳性菌株常携带多种耐药基因,cfr基因的遗传背景也呈现多样化。结果表明,广东省猪源葡萄球菌的耐药情况严重,cfr的检出率高,应加强养殖业中抗菌药物的规范和合理使用,减缓耐药性的产生和传播。     

高校工会工作面临的问题及对策研究——以合肥市8所高校工会为例

本文以合肥市8所高校工会为例,针对当前我国高校工会工作的现状和面临的主要问题,提出了加强党的领导、加强工会干部队伍建设和提高工会服务能力等做好新时代高校工会工作的建议.     

日本环境友好型生活方式的立法培育经验及对我国的启示

促进公众形成环境友好型的生活方式,是建设环境友好型社会的必然要求。环境资源问题在中国和日本均已成为制约经济和社会进一步发展的瓶颈。日本在培育国民形成环境友好型生活方式方面取得了很好的成效。从法律上来看,该国的经验在于制定了完备的立法体系,并在责任分配、教育说服、公众行为的引导和综合性法律调整四个方面规定了切实有效的法律制度。我国的相关立法不完善,制度的建设也存在欠缺。因此,在技术层面上定向地借鉴日本的成熟经验,按照我国的经济基础、环境状况、环境文化和国民生活方式等基本国情,逐步完善相关的立法和制度是必要的。实践证明也是可行和有效的。     

Restructuring structured analytic techniques in intelligence

Structured analytic techniques (SATs) are intended to improve intelligence analysis by checking the two canonical sources of error: systematic biases and random noise. Although both goals are achievable, no one knows how close the current generation of SATs comes to achieving either of them. We identify two root problems: (1) SATs treat bipolar biases as unipolar. As a result, we lack metrics for gauging possible over-shooting—and have no way of knowing when SATs that focus on suppressing one bias (e.g., over-confidence) are triggering the opposing bias (e.g., under-confidence); (2) SATs tacitly assume that problem decomposition (e.g., breaking reasoning into rows and columns of matrices corresponding to hypotheses and evidence) is a sound means of reducing noise in assessments. But no one has ever actually tested whether decomposition is adding or subtracting noise from the analytic process—and there are good reasons for suspecting that decomposition will, on balance, degrade the reliability of analytic judgment. The central shortcoming is that SATs have not been subject to sustained scientific of the sort that could reveal when they are helping or harming the cause of delivering accurate assessments of the world to the policy community.     

North Korea and the East Asian Security order: competing views on what South Korea ought to do

This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification.     

Reflexivity,participatory art,and the failures of monist representation

ABSTRACT

This essay engages in a dual-disciplinary theorizing of reflexivity as response to crises of democratic representation. We trace this crises through the parallel lenses of democratic theory and art history. As political theorists explore alternative representations of ‘the people,’ contemporary artists have developed their own responses to the crisis of monist representation. In both state institutions and in participatory art – and in the theorizing of both – we find the rejection of monist representations of ‘the people’ and the embracement of pluralist, partial, and proximate representations. These public reflexive spaces give voice to new, partial publics, and call attention to past and present exclusions.     

The political economy of global firms from India and China

This article attempts to build a bridge between contemporary studies of global firms from emerging economies and existing theories in comparative political economy. It argues that given the primacy of the state as an economic actor in developing countries, the variety of capitalism literature could provide a theoretical foundation for firm-level analyses of emerging market multinationals. For example, the authors suggest that China and India may be moving towards a ‘hybrid market economy’. They also offer a typology of Indian and Chinese corporates to demonstrate an empirical approach to analysing domestic business–government relationships and the ways in which these firms are shaped by the peculiarities of their respective institutional setting. Finally, they identify some of the likely pitfalls of doing cross-national comparisons of emerging market multinationals, particularly with respect to the reliability of corporate data.     

Does China’s middle class prefer (liberal) democracy?

Many surveys show that China’s political regime, under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rules, enjoys a high level of public support. However, it is still uncertain whether China’s emerging middle class will become the “agent of democratization” as suggested by modernization theory. Using the data of Asian Barometer Survey conducted in China in 2011, this article demonstrates that the relationship between class identity and preference for liberal democracy in China may be inverted U-shaped. The Chinese middle class shows a higher preference to features of liberal democratic regimes than its counterparts of the lower- and upper-class. Members of the Chinese middle class also tend to regard democracy as the best form of government. Thus, the middle class has the potential to initiate democratization in China if the Chinese government fails to keep satisfying the middle class’ quest for economic well-being and protection of property rights.