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131.
Harald Bluhm 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2003,44(4):602-605
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Sheldon S. Wolin: Tocqueville between two worlds: The making of a political and theoretical life Princeton/Oxford: Princeton University Press 2001, 650 S., $ 24,95相似文献
132.
Volker Rittberger 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2003,44(1):10-18
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Der Beitrag wurde bereits Anfang Januar 2003 abgeschlossen und konnte bis Mitte Februar nur noch geringfügig erg?nzt werden.
Der Verfasser ist Herrn Fariborz Zelli, M.A., für seine Mithilfe bei der Vorbereitung dieses Essays zu gro?em Dank verpflichtet. 相似文献
133.
Anthony W. Pereira 《Human Rights Review》2003,4(3):3-16
Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less
so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian
regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military
consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of
factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political
agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even
attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after
the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military
engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct
a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively
successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior
authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of
repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime
was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines. 相似文献
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Presidents traditionally have had great success when nominating justices to the Supreme Court, with confirmation being the norm and rejection being the rare exception. While the confirmation process usually ends with the nominee taking a seat on the Court, however, there is a great deal of variance in the amount of time it takes the Senate to act. To derive a theoretical explanation of this underlying dynamic in the confirmation process, we draw on a spatial model of presidential nominations to the Court. We then employ a hazard model to test this explanation, using data on all Supreme Court nominations and confirmations since the end of the Civil War. Our primary finding is that the duration of the confirmation process increases as the ideological distance between the president and the Senate increases. We also find evidence that suggests that the duration increases for critical nominees and chief justices and decreases for older nominees, current and previous senators, and nominees with prior experience on state and federal district courts . 相似文献
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