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211.
Charles Perrin 《Journal of Baltic studies》2017,48(3):363-380
During World War I, Martynas Jankus became the most well-known deportee in the Lithuanian-speaking world. This article uses a variety of sources, including his wartime letters, diary, and postwar memoirs, to explore which factors were the most important in enabling him to survive deportation, how representative he is of the larger population of deportees from East Prussia and their experiences, and how his life as a deportee was affected by laws and agreements at the international and domestic levels. 相似文献
212.
Charles L. Glenn 《European Journal for Education Law and Policy》2000,4(1):41-47
Educational freedom, rightly understood, depends upon the freedom to shape - and (for individuals) to choose to study in or
teach in - distinctive educational institutions. This implies an obligation upon faculty who have chosen to commit themselves
to such an institution to teach in a way that engages positively with its educational project. Policies which provide scope
and encouragement for schools and universities to represent distinctive and coherent viewpoints are an essential condition
of educational freedom in a pluralistic society. These issues are discussed with reference to the ‘values project‘ of Free
University in Amsterdam and to debates, in the Netherlands and the United States, over the distinctive character of schools.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
213.
214.
Philip K Robins Charles Michalopoulos Elsie Pan 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2001,20(1):129-150
This paper uses a microsimulation model to ask whether welfare recipients in the United States would work full‐time if offered an earnings supplement that was conditioned on full‐time employment. The simulations suggest that the earnings supplement would increase full‐time employment, with little additional cash transfer cost to the government. In contrast, financial incentives currently being used by many of the states are increasing employment and income, but are encouraging primarily part‐time employment. Encouraging full‐time employment is particularly important in light of new time limits on welfare receipt. Faced with a loss of welfare benefits, many recipients may find that part‐time earnings do not allow them to be economically self‐sufficient. © 2001 by the Association of Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
215.
Charles T. Clotfelter 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2001,20(2):199-221
The effect of interracial contact in public schools on the enrollment of whites has been an important concern in assessments of desegregation since the 1970s. It has been feared that “white flight”—meaning exit from or avoidance of racially mixed public schools—could undermine the racial contact that desegregation policy seeks to enhance. This study examines this question using recent data. It also expands coverage from large urban districts to entire metropolitan areas, paying attention to the spatial context within which enrollment decisions are made. To do so, it examines data for 1987 and 1996 on racial composition and enrollment in all schools and school districts in 238 metropolitan areas. The study finds that white losses appear to be spurred both by interracial contact in districts where their children attend school and by the opportunities available in metropolitan areas for reducing that contact. These findings apply with remarkable consistency to large and small districts in both large and small metropolitan areas. Implications for metropolitan segregation are examined. © 2001 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
216.
Understanding Policy Networks: a Comment on Marsh and Smith 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Charles D. Raab 《Political studies》2001,49(3):551-556
217.
Charles R. Wise 《Public administration review》2001,61(2):131-139
The 2000 presidential election exposed serious election-administration deficiencies that affected the presidential election and the confidence of the American people in the way elections are administered. The ensuing controversies also exposed significant issues in judicial—administrative relations. This article examines the factors involved not only in Florida, but also in the nation, and discusses lessons for the future of election administration and for public administration generally. 相似文献
218.
Charles R. Wise 《Public administration review》2001,61(3):343-358
Since the early 1990s, the Supreme Court has been issuing decisions that, taken together, constitute a new judicial federalism. This effort is rearranging intergovernmental relations as we have known them for several decades. However, the boundaries of this new doctrine and its implications for public administration are not well understood. This article analyzes the principal constitutional bases for the Court's actions and gauges the balance of this new judicial federalism. It then sorts out the implications for public administration and projects where the Court may be going with this doctrine in the future. 相似文献
219.
Michael Thrasher Galina Borisyuk Colin Rallings Ron Johnston Charles Pattie 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(4):391-411
Electoral bias results in an asymmetrical seat distribution between parties with similar vote shares. Over recent British general elections Labour held an advantage because it efficiently converted votes into seats. Following the 2015 election result this advantage has reduced considerably, principally because Labour’s vote distribution saw it accumulate more ineffective votes, particularly where electoral support was not converted into seats. By contrast, the vote distribution of the Conservative party is now superior to that of Labour because it acquired fewer wasted votes although Labour retains a modest advantage overall because it benefits from inequalities in electorate size and differences in voter turnout. Features of the 2015 election, however, raise general methodological challenges for decomposing electoral bias. The analysis, therefore, considers the effect of substituting the Liberal Democrats as the third party with the United Kingdom Independence Party. It also examines the outcome in Scotland separately from that in England and Wales. Following this analysis it becomes clear that the method for decomposing electoral bias requires clearer guidelines for its application in specific settings. 相似文献
220.