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41.
The literature on counterterrorist measures often emphasizes the potential harmful effects of such measures on human rights and civil liberties. While recent research has examined the effects of counterterrorist legislation on the violation of physical integrity rights (e.g., torture and extrajudicial killings), no quantitative cross-national study has looked at the consequences for civil liberties. Still, case studies in a variety of countries suggest that counterterrorist legislation indeed leads to various infringements of liberties such as the freedoms of expression, religion, assembly, and movement. We conduct a cross-national time series analysis of counterterrorist legislation and consequent repression of civil liberties for the years 1976–2009. We find that the effects of legislation vary by levels of initial repression. Legislation has a negative effect on respect for civil liberties in countries with moderate levels of repression. However, this effect diminishes in non-repressive countries and reverses in countries with high levels of repression.  相似文献   
42.
Few political systems are completely closed to citizen participation, but in nondemocratic systems and developing democracies, such participation may come with risks. In these contexts where fear and uncertainty may be high, why do some citizens still take action and make complaints to authorities? The resource mobilization model identifies the importance of time, money, and civic skills as resources that are necessary for participation. In this paper, we build on this model and argue that political connections—close personal ties to someone working in government—can also constitute a critical resource, especially in contexts with weak democratic institutions. Using data from both urban and rural China, we find that individuals with political connections are more likely to contact authorities with complaints about government public services, despite the fact that they do not have higher levels of dissatisfaction with public service provision. We conduct various robustness checks, including a sensitivity analysis, and show that this relationship is unlikely to be driven by an incorrect model specification or unobserved confounding variables.  相似文献   
43.
This article describes the derivation of a general closed-form formula for determining a fair premium for both Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and private mortgage insurance (MI). Our model incorporates the regulations appearing in MI contracts, the changes in economic situations, the termination hazard rates (i.e., prepayment and default), and the loss rate given default. We then give an example to show how one uses our model to calculate an MI premium with FHA regulations by using real mortgage data. Our pricing formula can also be used to calculate the implied default hazard rates given the FHA's current MI. The comparison of this implied rate with the actual rate should help mortgage insurers decide whether the current MI premium should be adjusted. Further analysis shows how sensitive MI premiums are to changes in the model parameters, such as the volatility of the interest rate and the house price appreciation rate. Our pricing formula should make it easier for mortgage insurers to determine fair MI premiums and employ sophisticated risk-management procedures.  相似文献   
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Journal of Chinese Political Science - Local governments in China have been given a considerable degree of flexibility in policy formulation and are permitted to adapt central policies to meet the...  相似文献   
46.
The remarkable economic growth in Taiwan has served as a model of the developmental state as well as a source of scepticism about neoliberal policy for many less developed countries. However, since the mid-1980s Taiwan has gravitated from its previous statist model to the universally embraced 'market-orientated' restructuring. This study seeks to explain this neoliberal transition. A disaggregated approach is employed to break neoliberalism down into three distinct dimensions: market openness, fiscal austerity, and privatisation of public sector enterprises. The analysis results confirm that: (1) Taiwan's trade dependency on the USA constituted a decisive factor in the state opening its domestic market; (2) distributional politics was forged in a new but weak democracy to incorporate more interest groups in the fiscal expansion of the post-authoritarian era; and (3) the slow but increasingly steady progress of privatisation plans was influenced not by a 'back-to-the-market' idea but by the statist legacy with which bureaucrats attempted to manage public sector enterprises even after they became de jure private firms. The theoretical implications of this transition are discussed in the conclusion.  相似文献   
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Taiwan and South Korea have the same constitutional system, approximate economic scale, and similar cultural backgrounds, yet they differ in degree of corruption. What political structures and legislative processes cause this outcome is the major question posed in this paper. The political structure in South Korea is a centralization-of-power model, while that in Taiwan is a separation-of-powers model. This paper proposes that Taiwan and South Korea have different types of corruption and different political structures, and the legislative process in South Korea is more compromising than that in Taiwan. These factors contribute to greater corruption in South Korea than in Taiwan. This study clarifies how particular institutional dynamics reduce or enhance the prospects for democratic governance and help to better understand how political structure and legislative process channel different types of corruption into different degrees of corruption. Studies on the relationship between constitutional structure and corruption have concluded that parliamentarism can help reduce corruption more than presidentialism. This thesis argues that a country with centralized power tends to be less corrupt than a country with separation of powers. If this argument and the rationale behind it hold true for countries with both parliamentary and presidential systems, we can expect that semi-presidential countries with a centralized system are less corrupt than those with a decentralized system, all else being equal. However, by comparing these two semi-presidential countries, we find that South Korea, with its centralized model, was more corrupt than Taiwan, with its decentralized model. This comparative case study provides a counterargument to the conventional wisdom of constitutional structure and governance.  相似文献   
49.
Chewed betel-quid (BQ) residues are often considered vital biological evidence at crime scenes, since the human DNA extracted from the residues is actually from buccal epithelial cells and can be associated with suspects. BQ-chewing is also a risk factor for oral diseases and/or cancers. Archived medical oral-specimens can be used to identify specific individuals under adverse conditions, although STR markers are known to be unstable in various tumor tissues. This study evaluates the DNA stability of forensic marker systems in BQ-chewers' oral epithelial cells, and in archived clinical specimens of oral cancer patients. The genotypes of oral and paired peripheral blood samples in 200 subjects were compared, using the commercialized typing systems of HLA-DQA1, PM (including LDLR, GYPA, HBGG, D7S8, and GC loci), and AmpFlSTR markers (including 9 STR loci and the Amelogenin gene). The 100 healthy BQ-chewers had consistent oral swab and paired blood sample genotypes analyzed withboth DQA1/PM and STR marker systems. In the 100 oral cancer patients, one discordant result at D7S8 was found in the 600DQA1/PM-marker loci, and 25 allelic alterations with expansion or contraction were detected in the 900 STR loci. The findings herein suggest that when cancerous specimens were tested, the HLA-DQA1/PM system with point polymorphism appears more reliable than the STR system with length polymorphism. Our results also indicate that healthy BQ-chewers' oral cotton swabs containing buccal epithelial cells are useful for forensic purposes using the HLA-DQA1, PM, and STR marker systems.  相似文献   
50.
Forensic botanical comparison can be hampered by the lack of appropriate DNA databases. While DNA sequence databases for many mitochondrial loci have been established for the identification of animal species, less is known regarding the genomes of plants. We report on the use of the trnL intron and the trnL-trnF intergenic spacer (IGS) in the chloroplast genome and establish a DNA sequence database for plant species identification. The DNA sequences at these two loci from commonly encountered plants, including monocots and dicots, were aligned to establish a DNA database of local plants. The database comprises 373 individual sequences representing 80 families, 206 genera and 269 species. These plant species can be grouped to species level using both sequence and length polymorphisms at these loci. To validate the database for future forensic purposes, we sequenced 20 blind samples and searched the local database and the databases of GenBank and EMBL. Fifteen of these 20 samples used in blind trial testing matched their respective species from our local DNA database but only 6 matched species registered in the GenBank and EMBL databases. The sequences of two species used in the blind trial did not match any sequence registered in any of these databases. Cluster analysis was performed to demonstrate the family and genus distribution of samples. Neighbor-joining trees of the two DNA regions from 70 samples of the local database and 10 of the species used in the blind trials were constructed and clustered to both family and genus. The bootstrap values of the trnL intron were higher than most of those of the trnL-trnF IGS. The sequence database described in this study can be used to identify plant species using DNA sequences of the trnL intron and trnL-trnF IGS of chloroplast genome and illustrates its value in plant species identification.  相似文献   
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