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81.
Christensen AM Smith VA Ramos V Shegogue C Whitworth M 《Journal of forensic sciences》2012,57(1):6-11
This study examines primary (resulting from blast wave) and secondary (resulting from disintegrated, penetrating fragments) blast trauma to the skeleton. Eleven pigs were exposed to semi-controlled blast events of varying explosive type, charge size, and distance, including some cases with shrapnel. Skeletal trauma was found to be extensive, presenting as complex, comminuted fractures with numerous small, displaced bone splinters and fragments. Traumatic amputation of the limbs and cranium was also observed. Fractures were concentrated in areas nearer the blast, but there was generally no identifiable point of impact. Fractures were more random in appearance and widespread than those typically associated with gunshot or blunt force injury events. These patterns appear to be uniquely associated with blast trauma and may therefore assist forensic anthropologists and other forensic examiners in the interpretation of skeletal trauma by enabling them to differentiate between blast trauma and trauma resulting from some other cause. 相似文献
82.
Joshua L. Adams Ph.D. Emily D. Rancourt M.S. Angi M. Christensen Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(3):869-872
This study tests the effect of three common oxidizing cleaners on the ability of the Bluestar Forensic® presumptive test for blood to identify the presence of blood on ceramic tile after cleaning. The cleaners tested were Lysol®, OxiClean®, and Arm & Hammer®. This study also tested which cleaner was the most effective at removing blood, measured by the intensity of chemiluminescence, which was quantified using RGB values in ImageJ. A “hasty” 1‐min cleaning of a blood droplet was simulated using the three cleaners. The chemiluminescence of the Bluestar® reactions after cleaning the blood‐treated region was compared to an untreated region of the same tile for each cleaner, as well as to the treated regions of tiles between the three cleaners. Results indicate that none of the three cleaners removed all of the blood (all p < 0.001) and that Lysol® removed more blood compared to the OxiClean® and Arm & Hammer®. 相似文献
83.
84.
Jørgen Grønnegârd Christensen 《管理》1997,10(2):143-174
Between 1946 and 1995, Danish central government had been subject to numerous reorganization initiatives. Based on the assumption of self‐interest motivated and risk‐averse bureaucrats, these initiatives are analyzed in a long‐term historical perspective. It is argued that civil servants both feel a strong incentive to and have good chances of defending the existing organization. This creates a historical bias in favor of whatever organizations were created in the past. Still, the mutual dependence between political executives and their civil servants opens up for bargaining dynamics allowing for mostly incremental change. While ideology has been unimportant in the development of central government organization, broadly shared ideas about reform may account for some instances of radical reform, consistently opposed by Danish civil servants. 相似文献
85.
Jørgen Grønnegaard Christensen 《Scandinavian political studies》1993,16(3):201-225
Danish democracy has strong corporatist characteristics. The implication is that interest organizations are integrated in both policy-making and policy implementation. This article deals with policy implementation. A distinction between different administrative regimes is developed. The proposition advanced here is that variations with respect to the involvement of interest organizations in administrative execution of public policy have consequences for administrative behavior. A number of scandals revealed during recent years concerning the management of public funds provide the basis of the empirical analysis. The conclusion is that with increased involvement of interest organizations in the administrative implementation of policy, legal norms are superseded by political norms, while the traditional institutions of administrative accountability are weakened. 相似文献
86.
Barlow F. Christensen 《Law & social inquiry》1981,6(1):1-19
Lawyers have a pro bono publico obligation, arising both from the profession ‘s tradition of service before gain and from the lawyer's essential and monopolistic position in the justice system. The appropriate measure of this obligation is the reasonable capacity of the profession to provide public service, a standard that can be met only if all lawyers are involved in the effort. While volunteerism has some values that might be impaired by a mandatory system of pro bono service, only a mandatory system gives promise of involving all lawyers in the discharge of this fundamental professional obligation. 相似文献
87.
88.
Barlow F. Christensen 《Law & social inquiry》1982,7(1):79-110
Under a California procedure, parties to litigation may agree to have their cases referred to retired judges for private trial. While the procedure affords substantial benefits in some kinds of cases, it does involve problems that will probably limit its more general use. 相似文献
89.
Kristoffer Kjærgaard Christensen 《Intelligence & National Security》2019,34(3):395-408
ABSTRACTAs cyber-security incidents become increasingly prevalent, we are facing a major political and democratic challenge: who comprises “the public” in relation to such incidents? Based on a study of the controversies surrounding the WannaCry ransomware attack, this article unpacks issues facing the creation of publics in contemporary ICT-mediated security practices. It shows how cyber-security incidents, such as WannaCry, do not neatly align with traditional national security politics and democracy, and it demonstrates the need to attend to how security publics are created. This may paradoxically entail both political and democratic challenges and possibilities for security politics in the digital age. 相似文献
90.
Tom Christensen Mads Dagnis Jensen Michael Kluth Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson Kennet Lynggaard Per Lægreid Risto Niemikari Jon Pierre Tapio Raunio Gústaf Adolf Skúlason 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(3):658-676
Government responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in the Nordic states—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—exhibit similarities and differences. This article investigates the extent to which crisis policymaking diverges from normal policymaking within the Nordic countries and whether variations between the countries are associated with the role of expertise and the level of politicization. Government responses are analyzed in terms of governance arrangements and regulatory instruments. Findings demonstrate some deviation from normal policymaking within and considerable variation between the Nordic countries, as Denmark, Finland, and to some extent Norway exhibit similar patterns with hierarchical command and control governance arrangements, while Iceland, in some instances, resembles the case of Sweden, which has made use of network-based governance. The article shows that the higher the influence of experts, the more likely it is that the governance arrangement will be network-based. 相似文献