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Christine C. Paulin 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2019,62(2):225-248
This study emphasizes the dimension of complex linguistic links (as is the case in New Brunswick ‐ the only officially bilingual province in Canada) and highlights optimizing conditions connected to deliberative instruments’ engineering, to their implementation and ensuing decision‐making processes. To do so, we mainly focused on elements slowing down those instruments’ efficiency, particularly for public policies development. Two dimensions or success conditions emerge from our analysis: 1) the substantive dimension which relates to the bilingualisation role of the instrument and, 2) the process dimension concerning the issue of referral – the role of the instigator and instrument bearer. 相似文献
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Christine Keating 《New Political Science》2018,40(1):177-183
One of the most important challenges of contemporary progressive politics is building social movements for change that take up the ways that that relations of power are shaped by the interaction and intersection of race, class, gender, sexuality, ability and other lines of power. As such, questions related to coalition—political solidarity across difference—are key. How do we build coalitions that take up the complexity of these power relationships? How do we build movements that don't leave people out? In this article, I will distinguish between two approaches to coalition. The first are coalitions grounded in shared or overlapping interests or goals; in such coalitions, groups identify common ground and then work together towards the achievement of mutual goals or interests. The second is grounded in a process of what María Lugones (2003) calls becoming “interdependently resistant” in which people recognize and back up each other’s resistances to multiple relations of power in their everyday lives. This article unpacks the nuts and bolts of building such “everyday coalitions” in our lives. 相似文献
265.
Grace Bahng Marcia Taborga Christine Bae Armando Jimenez 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2018,18(4):e1712
This paper presents the case of First 5 LA's 5-year countywide implementation of the Parent–Child Interaction Therapy (PCIT) program. Enthusiasts of PCIT point to it as a high-quality parenting program with the potential to positively influence child behavior, reduce recidivism into the child welfare system, and increase caregiver's confidence and self-esteem. In September 2012, First 5 LA, an independent County agency in Los Angeles that advocates on behalf of parents with young children, began a $20 million countywide implementation of PCIT. The collaborative effort between First 5 LA, the Los Angeles County Department of Mental Health, the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services, and the University of California, Davis demonstrates the role that research and data analysis can play in improving large-scale implementations. The authors of this paper were contracted to conduct an evaluation of the implementation of the countywide PCIT program, and preliminary outcomes were analyzed after the first round of data collection in early 2015. This paper will discuss this case and provide examples of how research and data analysis were used effectively to make key improvements to the design and implementation of the program. The paper will then discuss bureaucratic challenges and constraints with the collaborative use of research and data. The paper will conclude with some recommendations on how research and data can effectively be used to influence policy implementation in large-scale implementations involving collaboration among multiple organizations. 相似文献
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Anne Christine Holtmann Laura Menze Heike Solga 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(10):2091-2113
School leavers with low educational attainment face great difficulties in their school-to-work transitions. They are, however, quite heterogeneous in terms of their personal and social resources. These within-group differences may influence who shows initiative during the school-to-work transition period and thereby helps employers recognize their learning potential at labor market entry. Yet this recognition also depends on the ways employers select applicants, which may prevent them from discovering such within-group differences. We therefore investigate the interplay between agency and its constraints, that is, whether higher cognitive and noncognitive skills and more parental resources provide low-achieving school leavers with new opportunities in the school-to-work transition period or whether their low school attainment causes the persistency of their disadvantages. We use panel data from the German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS), which started in grade 9. The NEPS also includes school leavers from special-needs schools. Our sample consists of 3417 low-achieving adolescents (42% female), defined as adolescents who leave school with no or only a lower secondary school-leaving certificate. Their average school-leaving age is 16 to 17 years. Our key findings are that the transition period opens up new opportunities only for those low-achieving adolescents with better vocational orientation and higher career aspirations, leading them to make stronger application efforts. The success of youth’s initiative varies considerably by school-leaving certificate and school type but not by competences, noncognitive characteristics, and parental background. Thus, the label of “having low qualifications” is a major obstacle in this transition period—especially for the least educated subgroup. Their poor school attainment strongly disadvantages them when accessing the required training to become economically independent and hence in their general transition to adulthood. Our results are also of interest internationally, because participation in firm-based training programs functions as the entry labor market in Germany. Thus, similar explanations may apply to low-achieving adolescents’ difficulties in finding a job. 相似文献
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Christine White 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):187-213
While Vietnam seems to present an unusually successful case of coordination of national liberation struggle and peasant revolution, the relationship between these two aspects of the movement has been very complex, and the national and class struggles have had contradictory as well as complementary aspects. Following a summary of two poles of a debate on the topic within the Vietnamese communist movement in the 1930s and 40s, the article analyses in detail the relationship between the independence struggle and social revolution during 1953, the year in which the Communist Party systematically introduced mass mobilization for class struggle for the first time during the national liberation war. 相似文献
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Christine Mitchell 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》1995,23(2):117-119