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951.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
952.
Matthew B. Crawford 《Society》2007,44(6):131-136
Biotechnological enhancement of human capabilities reveals a characteristically modern stance toward nature: Human nature,
as given, is an impediment to be overcome on the way to full human freedom. As a form of metaphysical partisanship, the biotech
enterprise seems to further the political intention of Thomas Hobbes to nullify human diversity. Commerce in biotech enhancements,
and the individual liberty such commerce instantiates, is likely to have the ironic effect of psychic homogenization.
相似文献
Matthew B. CrawfordEmail: |
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954.
Prediction markets have drawn considerable attention in recent years as a tool for forecasting elections. But how accurate are they? Do they outperform the polls, as some scholars argue? Do prices in election markets carry information beyond the horserace in the latest polls? This paper assesses the accuracy of US presidential election betting markets in years before and after opinion polling was introduced. Our results are provocative. First, we find that market prices are far better predictors in the period without polls than when polls were available. Second, we find that market prices of the pre-poll era predicted elections almost on par with polls following the introduction of scientific polling. Finally, when we have both market prices and polls, prices add nothing to election prediction beyond polls. To be sure, early election markets were (surprisingly) good at extracting campaign information without scientific polling to guide them. For more recent markets, candidate prices largely follow the polls. 相似文献
955.
XiaoHu Wang Christopher V. Hawkins Nick Lebredo Evan M. Berman 《Public administration review》2012,72(6):841-853
Why do some governments implement more sustainability practices than others? Based on a national survey of U.S. cities, this article finds moderate levels of sustainability efforts and capacity in U.S. cities; about one‐third of the sustainability practices identified in this article have been implemented. The authors conclude that, first, capacity building is a useful conceptual focus for understanding sustainability implementation in U.S. cities. Capacity building involves developing technical and financial support and increasing managerial execution. Second, sustainability is strongly associated with managerial capacity, which includes establishing sustainability goals, incorporating goals in operations, and developing a supportive infrastructure. Third, getting stakeholders involved furthers the capacity for sustaining sustainability efforts. Citizen involvement is strongly associated with securing financial support for sustainability. 相似文献
956.
George L. Priest 《Society》2012,49(3):216-222
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Techniques for conducting elections developed since 1800 have raised a question about the soundness of the American framers’
majoritarianism. John Stuart Mill notably argued that the framers’ desire to reward merit, as opposed to party loyalty, would
be better served by a system of proportional representation that gave deserving minorities a voice. This article considers
the likelihood that a system such as Mill proposed would have the results he hoped for; it concludes that such a system is
more likely to worsen problems with the existing system of representation than to solve them. 相似文献
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