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1.
Erika J. van Elsas Andreas C. Goldberg Claes H. de Vreese 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(3):341-360
EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times. 相似文献
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De Greef S Claes P Mollemans W Loubele M Vandermeulen D Suetens P Willems G 《Journal of forensic sciences》2005,50(6):1282-1288
A mobile and fast, semi-automatic ultrasound (US) system was developed for facial soft tissue depth registration. The system consists of an A-Scan ultrasound device connected to a portable PC with interfacing and controlling software. For 52 cephalometric landmarks, the system was tested for repeatability and accuracy by evaluating intra-observer agreement and comparing ultrasound and CT-scan results on 12 subjects planned for craniofacial surgery, respectively. A paired t-test evaluating repeatability of the ultrasound measurements showed 5.7% (n = 3) of the landmarks being significantly different (p < 0.01). US and CT-scan results showed significant differences (p < 0.01) using a Wilcoxon signed rank test analysis for 11.5% (n = 6) of the landmarks. This is attributed to a difference in the volunteer's head position between lying (CT) and sitting (US). Based on these tests, we conclude that the proposed registration system and measurement protocol allows relatively fast (52 landmarks/20 min), non-invasive, repeatable and accurate acquisition of facial soft tissue depth measurements. 相似文献
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Claes Lernestedt 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2014,8(1):187-203
This paper discusses what kinds of conflicts arise when a crime has been committed, and with whom—and in which of their possible roles—the offender should be seen as having such conflicts. The possible roles of the victim are in focus, as is the constitutive role of the act of criminalizing a certain kind of behavior. It is argued that while in the tort conflict the victim should be seen as a party qua him- or herself in a ‘fuller’ sense (and with full freedom on how to handle the conflict, including dropping it), in the criminal law conflict it is community, the ‘we’, that should be looked upon as the party to the conflict with the offender. The victim should not be seen as excluded from the criminal law conflict, though: to the contrary, he or she is a member of community and has an important role to play. This role, however, needs to be strictly defined in a way that gives the victim the function of a certain kind of representative for ‘us’, the community. This role should not allow the victim much room to influence how the criminal law conflict is handled. The model I am suggesting presupposes—I think, at least—that criminal law conflict and tort conflict should be handled together at the same trial. 相似文献
4.
Michael Hameleers Claes H. de Vreese 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2020,30(2):255-274
ABSTRACTPrevious research has predominantly measured populist attitudes as a one-dimensional concept, tapping into the distinction between the ordinary people and the culprit elites. With growing differentiation of populist viewpoints across the globe, this unidimensional approach may not reflect the multifaceted reality of the people’s populism. Most importantly, albeit paramount in right-wing populist rhetoric, exclusionist perceptions of others threatening the monocultural nation of the people are typically not captured in one-dimensional conceptualizations. To assess more precisely how populist attitudes are structured, we collected original survey data (N?=?809) among a representative sample of Dutch citizens. Using Multidimensional Scaling and Confirmatory Factor Analysis, we propose a two-dimensional structure: anti-establishment and exclusionism. This study further demonstrates how salient these different populist attitudes are among which voters. 相似文献
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Thomas J. Anton Claes Linde Anders Mellbourn 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1973,16(4):627-651
Abstract. In political systems composed of large and growing public bureaucracies, the attitudes of senior civil servants are extraordinarily significant, if little understood. This paper offers a preliminary view of the attitudes of more than 300 top-level Swedish administrators, based upon information gathered in 1971. Responses to 35 written questionnaire items suggest that upper-level Swedish bureaucrats are self-satisfied in evaluating their activities, independent in their thinking, and politically sophisticated. The same responses offer evidence of attitudes that structure the traditionally Swedish ‘art of compromise’ Intellectually, that art emphasizes particularistic thought patterns. Socially, it seems based on a pattern of limited commitment to official roles. Some implications of these patterns for both policy and process are suggested, along with some speculations concerning the future of the Swedish administrative system. Sommaire. Dans les systèmes politiques cornposés de bureaucraties de plus en plus importantes, les attitudes des hauts fonctionnaires sont extraordinairement significatives, encore que mal comprises. Cette communication offre une étude préliminaire des attitudes de plus de 300 cadres administratifs supérieurs suéois, sur la base de renseignements recueillis en 1971. Les réponses à 35 questions écrites laissent supposer que les bureaucrates suédois, au niveau supérieur, sont satisfaits de l'évaluation qu'ils font de leurs activités, qu'ils ont un esprit indépendant et qu'ils sont raffinés politiquement. Ces mêmes réponses indiquent des attitudes qui entérinent ‘l'art du compromis’ qui est, traditionnellement, très suédois. Intellectuellement, cet art accentue des façons de penser particularistes. Socialement, il semble basé sur un engagement limité vis-à-vis des rôes officiels. L'auteur propose à l'examen certaines implications de cet état d'esprit du point de vue des politiques et des processus ainsi que des spVculations sur l'avenir du système administratif suédois. 相似文献
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Vandermeulen D Claes P Loeckx D De Greef S Willems G Suetens P 《Forensic science international》2006,159(Z1):S164-S174
In forensic craniofacial reconstruction, facial features of an unknown individual are estimated from an unidentified skull, based on a mixture of experimentally obtained guidelines on the relationship between soft tissues and the underlying skeleton. In this paper, we investigate the possibility of using full 3D cross-sectional CT images for establishing a reference database of densely sampled distances between the external surfaces of the skull and head for automated craniofacial reconstruction. For each CT image in the reference database, the hard tissue (skull) and soft tissue (head) volumes are automatically segmented and transformed into signed distance transform (sDT) images, representing for each voxel in this image the Euclidean distance to the closest point on the skull and head surface, respectively, distances being positive (negative) for voxels inside (outside) the skull/head. Multiple craniofacial reconstructions are obtained by first warping each reference skull sDT maps to the target skull sDT using a B-spline based free form deformation algorithm and subsequently applying these warps to the reference head sDT maps. A single reconstruction of the target head surface is defined as the zero level set of the arithmetic average of all warped reference head sDT maps, but other reconstructions are possible, biasing the result to subject specific attributes (age, BMI, gender). Both qualitative and quantitative tests (measuring the similarity between the 3D reconstructed and corresponding original head surface) on a small (N = 20) database are presented to proof the validity of the concept. 相似文献
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In a democracy, citizens are expected to have political opinions. Previous research has shown that citizens, in part, form their opinions by following cues from political parties. Building on this literature, this article argues that these cueing effects are the result of individuals identifying with political parties, leading to parties as credible sources and alignment of attitudes to maintain in-group coherence (motivated reasoning). However, party cues can only be successful when individuals are actually exposed to these cues, which previous research has not explicitly studied. Using survey data (N = 20,893) collected from 21 EU member states, this study shows that cueing effects indeed depend on the strength of party identification and the degree of exposure. These results demonstrate the contingent nature of party cueing effects which are also changing as party loyalties decrease. 相似文献
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Citizenship education has evolved substantially in recent decades, with a rapid proliferation of education forms and approaches. The currently available evaluation studies, however, do not allow us to determine what kind of approach can be considered as a best practice for schools and education systems. In this article, we rely on the results of a 5-year panel study to investigate the long-term effects of various forms of citizenship education. Using the Belgian Political Panel Survey (n = 3,025), a three-wave longitudinal panel survey of 16-, 18- and 21-year-old Belgian late adolescents and young adults, we determine which citizenship education effort (i.e., classroom instruction, being a member of a school council, and an open-classroom climate) has a long-term effect on political trust and political interest. The results suggest that classroom instruction, the presence of an open-classroom climate, and being a member of a school board are positively related to political trust. We also find that classroom instruction and being a member of a school board are significantly associated with higher levels of political interest. We close with some observations on what these findings imply for citizenship education policies. 相似文献