Minorities and the free press in Hungary after 1867

SUMMARY

The study analyses the status and the standard of freedom of the press in Hungary in the first decade of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Special attention is paid to libel cases against nationality papers attacking the government in Pest. The author's main purpose is to discuss the limits on the freedom of the press drawn by criminal law, and in addition, to examine the accusations against the oppositional papers and the court practices involved. As a result, the study emphasizes that the picture of ‘the press under a state of siege’ could hardly be verified from the criminal procedures examined. The author does not, however, paint an idealized picture of the freedom of the press. The government in Pest was biased against the nationality papers. Yet even so, in the first ten years of Dualism juries adjusted the official criminal law policy by acquittals of authors and editors. The prosecuting magistracy therefore accepted the independence of the jury and the unreliability of the lay judges, and often withstood the demands of government departments. The members of the government of Hungary accepted the practice instituted by the prosecuting magistracy and ‘instead of strict laws and even more strict courts’ they gave up trying to rule the press by means of the criminal law. The first half of the 1870s thus became a period of a free press, indicating to what extent the parliamentary system and its government in Dualism could ‘practise liberalism without risking its own existence’.     

Disarmament,with special reference to Asia

On February 20 M. V. dc Korostovetz read a paper on Soviet Russia and her Southern Neighbours. The subject was divided into four parts: (a) The general trend of Russia's foreign policy, which, whether Imperial or Bolshevik, has differed in method rather than aim; (b) the States from Turkey to China, lying to the south of the Soviet block, with special attention to Chinese Turkestan; (c) the Ukrainian attitude to Communism; and (d) an outline of the new canals planned to make the Volga the chief waterway of Russia at the expense of the Don, and, with the refortification of the Straits, to turn the Black Sea into a mare clausum.     

俄罗斯政治制度的建立及其改革

苏联解体后,在叶利钦总统时期,俄罗斯按照联邦制和三权分立原则建立了总统共和制,1993年俄罗斯联邦宪法构成俄罗斯政治制度的法律基础。普京总统第一任期时,在巩固俄罗斯联邦统一国家权力体系,完善俄罗斯议会和政党制度方面进行了重大改革。梅德韦杰夫总统时期,在确保国家政权稳定和推进政治民主化方面进行了一系列重要改革。普京总统在新的任期内,将寻求在强大国家与人民民主间实现平衡,建设一个统一、稳定、民主、公正的政治制度。     

The catch‐all party thesis and the Austrian social democrats

This article examines Kirchheimer's catch‐all party thesis systematically, using the example of the Austrian Socialist Party (SPÖ). First, five central elements of the Kirchheimer catch‐all party are identified and possibilities for empirical research are explored. Then the empirical evidence on these five dimensions is analysed. As Kirchheimer has expected, the SPÖ's ‘ideological baggage’ has been drastically reduced, its top leadership groups and its electoral leader in particular have been further strengthened, the working‐class clientele has been de‐emphasised, and the party's function in the political system has been substantially reduced. Concerning the SPÖ's link to interest groups, however, Kirchheimer's thesis is only valid when looking at the most recent period. In view of the cumulative effect of the changes in the direction of a catch‐all party the SPÖ of the 1990s can definitely be classified as a catch‐all party.     

Chernobyl': Observations on the Fifth Anniversary

A Canadian Sovietologist with extensive research experience relating to the accident at the Chernobyl' nuclear power plant in 1986 surveys some of its major consequences in light of new information on the fifth anniversary of the disaster in 1991. The author outlines and analyzes varying interpretations of the cause of the accident (operator error vs. design flaw), the extent and density of the radiation release, and the severity of its impact on public health in contaminated areas. Appropriately noted are the jurisdictional disputes over the clean-up and other remedial efforts-most rooted in the current political crisis in the Soviet Union. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P20, Q20, Q40.     

清代亚洲非对称关系的层次与多样性

非对称关系不均匀的本质导致了互动中强者与弱者之间知觉的差异。尽管双方都在试图“处理”这种非对称关系——强者试图进行主导，而弱者会进行挑战——但大多数非对称关系在绝大部分时间里都是稳定的。这些关系是通过互动来维持的。亚洲非对称关系的独特之处在于中国的中心性。中国幅员辽阔的地域、中国的人口与生产力规模为其典型的非对称对外关系创造了条件，并且中国的中心区域和各地区之间也同样体现出非对称的特点。有清一代，亚洲各国曾彻底臣服于这种非对称关系。在非对称关系中存在三种标准，即对抗的双方能力差距悬殊、角色无法调换、无法消灭对方。清朝传统非对称关系的根基最后被摧毁，很大的原因是来自其内部以及西方殖民主义对中国的入侵。在当今全球经济存在诸多不确定性的形势下，中国的“和平崛起”（peaceful leap forward）则引发了关于中国传统治理与外交方式新地位的问题。