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171.
Julian Webb Timothy Batchelar 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》1995,9(1):235-241
Music and Video Private Copying: An International Survey of the Problem and the Law Gillian Davies and Michèle E. Hung 1993 Sweet & Maxwell P. 280 £40.00 ISBN 0‐421‐48450‐0
Publishing and Multimedia Law Michael Henry 1994, London: Butterworths Pp. xxviii + 820 + diskette (hardback)
Blackstone's Guide to the Trade Marks Act 1991 Ruth Annand and Helen Norman Pp. 411 £19.95 相似文献
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Darren Webb 《Political studies》2004,52(2):199-215
The Law of Freedom in a Platform was Gerrard Winstanley's final published work. It appeared in February 1652, nearly two years after the dissolution of the 'Digger' commune in Surrey of which he had been the principal spokesperson. The book is said to differ markedly from his previous writings. In particular, his depiction of a disciplinary state apparatus is contrasted to his earlier rejection of state authority, and his appeal to a utopian legislator (Cromwell) is contrasted to his earlier emphasis on the self-emancipation of the poor. In accounting for this shift of position, commentators often refer to the 'bitter' experience of the Diggers' defeat. Confronted everywhere by ignorance and persecution, Winstanley came to realise that institutionalised discipline was required to counter human imperfection and that emancipation could only come from the top down. This paper questions such an argument. It suggests that in almost every respect The Law of Freedom remained consistent with Winstanley's other writings and that no transformation in his thought took place. What apparent differences there were stemmed from the challenges presented by the utopian genre, and the paper concludes by arguing that Winstanley's achievement lies in his having risen to these challenges. 相似文献
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Amanda Clayton Diana Z. O'Brien Jennifer M. Piscopo 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):113-129
What does women's presence in political decision‐making bodies signal to citizens? Do these signals differ based on the body's policy decisions? And do women and men respond to women's presence similarly? Though scholars have demonstrated the substantive and symbolic benefits of women's representation, little work has examined how women's presence affects citizens' perceptions of democratic legitimacy. We test the relationship between representation and legitimacy beliefs through survey experiments on a nationally representative sample of U.S. citizens. First, we find that women's equal presence legitimizes decisions that go against women's interests. We show suggestive evidence that this effect is particularly pronounced among men, who tend to hold less certain views on women's rights. Second, across decision outcomes and issue areas, women's equal presence legitimizes decision‐making processes and confers institutional trust and acquiescence. These findings add new theoretical insights into how, when, and for whom inclusive representation increases perceptions of democratic legitimacy. 相似文献