首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   344篇
  免费   22篇
各国政治   16篇
工人农民   8篇
世界政治   48篇
外交国际关系   19篇
法律   156篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   117篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   10篇
  2018年   20篇
  2017年   18篇
  2016年   13篇
  2015年   11篇
  2014年   13篇
  2013年   76篇
  2012年   10篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   14篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   8篇
  2006年   14篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   7篇
  1999年   11篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   4篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   5篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   3篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   2篇
  1979年   1篇
  1978年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
排序方式: 共有366条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
22.
23.
This article examines the political consequences of the most important single privatisation in Mexico, that of the national telecommunications company, Telmex. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, diverse observers of Mexico claimed that, as the government pursued a dramatic privatisation programme as part of a broader plan to liberalise the economy, democratic growth would be encouraged. This argument is challenged in the case of the Telmex privatisation. It is shown how privatisation generated new resources that were channelled to lubricate corporatist relations and that the so‐called new unionism emerging from the telephone workers’union did not represent a departure from, but a culmination of, traditional state‐labour relations in Mexico.  相似文献   
24.
25.
26.
27.
A number of recent international situations have raised again questions regarding the usefulness of economic sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy. Sanctions continue to be applied in a variety of contexts, yet we have not developed a sufficient understanding of the processes involved to determine when, or even if, sanctions can "work." While a great deal has been written on the subject, there have been neither attempts to subject the theoretical arguments to empirical testing nor efforts to provide systematic theoretical explanations for the empirical results that have been produced. In this article, we attempt to address this shortcoming in the literature. We propose a theory of sanctions effectiveness that is based on the spatial model of bargaining in international crises and use this theory to derive a number of hypotheses regarding when sanctions should produce favorable policy outcomes. We then subject some of the derived hypotheses to an empirical test based on a large number of international disputes. The model suggests that while sanctions will not work in many cases, they can have a slight effect on the distribution of expected outcomes if the costs of the sanctions are sufficiently high relative to the values at stake. The available evidence appears to support these expectations.  相似文献   
28.
29.
30.
Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos’ immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号