首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   146篇
  免费   10篇
各国政治   9篇
世界政治   21篇
外交国际关系   2篇
法律   80篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   43篇
  2023年   1篇
  2022年   1篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   1篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   1篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   10篇
  2012年   6篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   7篇
  2009年   8篇
  2008年   12篇
  2007年   9篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   6篇
  2003年   5篇
  2002年   1篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   3篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   1篇
  1995年   3篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   5篇
  1991年   5篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   3篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   2篇
  1980年   2篇
  1979年   1篇
  1978年   2篇
  1977年   2篇
  1976年   1篇
  1975年   3篇
  1973年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
排序方式: 共有156条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Candidates face a trade‐off in the general election between taking a more‐moderate position that appeals to swing voters and a more‐extreme position that appeals to voters in the party's base. The threat of abstention by voters in the party's base if their candidate takes a position too moderate for them moves candidates to take more‐extreme positions. I discuss hypotheses regarding how this trade‐off affects candidate positioning and describe my tests of those hypotheses using data on House members in the 107th Congress and Senate members for the period 1982–2004. I then present data on how the distribution of voters in the electorate has changed over the past three decades and discuss how, in light of my empirical findings, these changes might explain the observed pattern of asymmetric polarization in Congress in recent decades.  相似文献   
122.
While intersectionality is a recurrent theme in the literature on women's political representation, few studies empirically disentangle who are the women who get elected to parliaments. An argument on biases in recruitment practices suggests that those who are members of more than one outgroup, such as young women, benefit from an ‘outgroup advantage’. In elections, a candidate with two outgroup features might attract more voter support than a candidate with just one outgroup feature. Hence, nominating a candidate that is both young and female could be a rational move by (male) elites in political parties that allows them to open fewer seats to newcomers. These expectations are tested on data for all members of the European Parliament since 1979. Not only is it found that women's presence increased steadily throughout the parliament's history, but also that women's representation is consistently highest among the group of young representatives, lower among middle-aged Members of the European Parliament and lowest among older representatives.  相似文献   
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
A rapidly growing literature in criminology and psychology uses a group‐based methodology to identify and analyze developmental trajectories. Some confusion has arisen about the interpretation of this novel statistical model and with it some degree of cautionary commentary. We begin with a discussion of the role of trajectory groups as a statistical device for approximating population differences in developmental trajectories. We then discuss three misconceptions about group‐based trajectory modeling that stem from misunderstandings about the approximating role of trajectory groups: (1) individuals actually belong to a trajectory group, (2) the number of trajectory groups is immutable, and (3) the trajectories of group members follow the group‐level trajectory in lock step. We also point out that groupbased statistical modeling is not bound at the hip to the testing of taxonomic theories, and can just as well be used to test nontaxonomic theories.  相似文献   
130.
This article characterizes the electoral consequences of messages of institutional loyalty and disloyalty sent by incumbent House members to their constituents. We show that, for the contemporary House, there is variation in these messages—not all incumbents in the contemporary House “run for Congress by running against Congress.” Moreover, we show that these messages can, under the right conditions, have significant electoral consequences, even after controlling for party affiliation and district political factors. In addition to demonstrating the electoral relevance of legislators' presentations, our results show an incumbent‐level link between constituents' trust in government and their voting behavior—a link created by interaction between constituents' perceptions, legislators' party affiliations, and the messages that legislators send to their constituents.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号