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DAVID A. KLINGER 《犯罪学》1997,35(2):277-306
The recent renaissance of ecological research in criminology has brought with it a renewed interest in the relationship between crime and social control in local communities. While several researchers have noted that the police are a critical part of the community crime-control puzzle, there is very little research and no theory that addresses variation in police behavior across physical space. In an attempt to further understand police operations in local communities, this article offers a theory that explains how levels of crime and other forms of social deviance in communities affect police action. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the theory for understanding how police behavior varies across physical space and how crime patterns develop and are sustained in local communities. 相似文献
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Although postmodern theory has virtually exploded throughout the social sciences, thus far it has only begun to touch criminology. This piece identifies some of the principal themes associated with postmodern thought, reasons for the current interest in it, and its potential relevance for criminology. There are many postmodernisms, but special attention is paid here to the popular models borrowed from literary and linguistic analysis. Violence is used as a concrete example to explore these issues. The postmodern critique is a challenge not only to the philosophical underpinnings of traditional and empirical criminology, but also to the basic premises of both mainstream and progressive social policy responses to criminal violence. 相似文献
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Studies of policy-making and management in health and related fields have generally been confined to England even when professing to embrace Britain or the United Kingdom. The assumption of a unitary state in which the policy lead is given by Westminster/Whitehall is shown to be grossly misleading in the case of community care policy. Considerable variations exist not only in policy means but also in policy ends. The paper demonstrates the limitations of studying health and personal social services adopting a unitary state perspective. It argues for more intra-Britain comparative work aimed at evaluating the costs and benefits of service variations in different policy fields. 相似文献
608.
DAVID HEALD 《Public administration》1995,73(2):213-240
Governments control public expenditure on definitions different from those of General Government Expenditure, the national accounts aggregate. After a prolonged period of relatively stable definitions for its public expenditure control aggregate, the UK government has recently revised this twice, substituting the New Planning Total for the Old Planning Total in 1990 and then moving in 1993 to the New Control Total. This article evaluates the justifications offered for these revisions and evaluates alternative explanations. The search for presentational gains and recourse to definitional change as an escape from problems feature prominently among the latter. Moreover, the fundamental ongoing changes in the form of public service delivery have major implications for the articulation of delivery agencies with public expenditure planning. There has been a marked loss of information and of transparency, notably with regard to forward information about function and economic category. Data continuity has been broken, and year-on-year changes to cash plans cannot be properly analysed. Transferring expenditure away from general government to where it is‘out of reach’in the expectation of efficiency gains further complicates monitoring. The channels of public accountability are blocked, in part by information overload and in part by information suppression. The existing arrangements, whether by accident or design, confer enormous discretion upon UK government through control of information flows. 相似文献
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DAVID BRIAN ROBERTSON 《政策研究评论》1984,3(3-4):391-405
Many influential implementation scholars now argue that "street-level" bureaucrats, rather than legislators or high-level administrators, make public policy in the U.S. Such authors as Pressman and Wildavsky cite creaming in employment and training programs as an especially clear example of well-meaning programs that fail when implemented. This paper argues that two of the most significant and lasting of these programs, the U.S. Employment Service and the Manpower Development and Training Act, were designed to encourage creaming. The essay asserts implementation scholars overstate the disconnection between program design and program implementation because they assume there is little disconnection between program legitimation and program design. A better conception of design permits one to perceive that these programs were legitimated on the grounds they would serve a large number of constituents, but were designed to do so by serving employers. The combination of these premises made creaming an imperative of program operation, and the implementors who cream remain faith ful to original program strategy. This finding suggests a redirection of policy research toward a more rlgorous analysis of program design and a better understanding of the relationship between legitimation, design, and implementation. 相似文献
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DAVID BROUGHTON 《The Political quarterly》2004,75(4):350-355
This article recaps the main trends in public opinion and electoral support for the Conservative party since the last general election in June 2001 by examining the overall polling data relating to party popularity. The article also considers by-elections, local elections and leadership change, as well as the most recent elections in 2004. The various challenges the party faces as it attempts to position itself as a credible alternative government to the Labour party under Tony Blair are considered.
Given the clear biases of the electoral system used for the House of Commons, which are certain to benefit Labour substantially even if the Conservatives get close to them in terms of overall vote share, or indeed even overtake them, it still seems unlikely that such success will be sufficient to achieve much more than to reduce Tony Blair's House of Commons majority in 2005. 相似文献
Given the clear biases of the electoral system used for the House of Commons, which are certain to benefit Labour substantially even if the Conservatives get close to them in terms of overall vote share, or indeed even overtake them, it still seems unlikely that such success will be sufficient to achieve much more than to reduce Tony Blair's House of Commons majority in 2005. 相似文献