The Challenges of Conceptualizing Terrorism

This analysis begins by exploring various reasons that the concept of terrorism has evaded a widely agreed upon definition for so long despite the efforts of so many writers. Emphasis is placed on the difficulties associated with all “essentially contested concepts.” In addition, the investigation calls attention to such problems as conceptual “stretching” and “traveling.” In an effort to solve the difficulties, the inquiry attempts to determine a consensus definition of terrorism by turning to an empirical analysis of how the term has been employed by academics over the years. Specifically, the well-known definition developed by Alex Schmid, based upon responses to a questionnaire he circulated in 1985, is compared with the way the concept has been employed by contributors to the major journals in the field: Terrorism, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, and Terrorism and Political Violence. The 22 “definitional elements” of which Schmid's definition is composed are compared to the frequency with which they appear in the professional journals. If these elements appear frequently in both the Schmid definition and those employed by the journal contributors, they are then used to form a consensus definition of the concept. The most striking feature of this academic consensus over the meaning of terrorism is the virtual absence of references to the psychological element, heretofore widely thought to be at the heart of the concept.     

NATIONALIZED INDUSTRIES AS ORGANIZED INTERESTS

The nationalized industries are usually regarded as bodies to be 'controlled' in some way by governments; but they have now developed sufficient autonomy to be able to exert influence on their own behalf within the political system. The emergence of the Nationalized Industries Chairman's Group is one aspect of their activity; the separate industries are also more outspoken in their own concerns. These developments deserve some consideration on both political and economic grounds. In the end the justification lies in their need to compete politically with other industrial interest groups. In the contemporary polity no one else will act for them, and so their leaders have a right, and perhaps a duty, to sustain their industries by 'pressure-group' tactics. Clearly the industries can be seen as 'state corporatist' bodies in the usual conceptualizations, but the development of political autonomy could contribute to a more open structure of the public sector.     

The Transition to Group Decision Making in Child Protection Cases: Obtaining Better Results for Children and Families

It was only a few years ago that in most jurisdictions across the United States, decisions at each stage of a child welfare case were made by individual professionals (law enforcement, child protection workers, social workers, and judges) who were all a part of the community's response to child abuse and neglect crises. In the last decade, the development and continuing evolution of best practices have brought about many changes in how professionals approach the resolution of these issues, how they convene interested persons in the decision‐making process, and how families and children participate in decisions. This article will examine some of these changes, with a particular focus on the expanding use of groups and the inclusion of families in these groups to make better decisions in child protection cases.     

Juvenile Mental Health Court: Rationale and Protocols

Under the sponsorship of the judiciary, the Santa Clara County, California Juvenile Court, in partnership with the Juvenile Mental Health Department and a technical assistance agency (SOLOMON), has pioneered a Juvenile Mental Health Court for seriously mentally ill children who have become involved in the criminal justice system. The judiciary, probation department, district attorney, public defender, county counsel, and service providers have collectively embarked upon the implementation of a modern approach to mental health diagnosis, triage, and treatment services for youth and families who come in contact with the justice system as a result of the combination of serious mental illness and juvenile delinquency. This article presents the court's rationale and protocols.     

THE INFLUENCE OF MANAGERIAL AND JOB VARIABLES ON ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT IN THE POLICE

Like all public sector agencies police forces are under constant pressure to improve their performance through better management of existing resources. However, little research has been done that explains how officers' organizational commitment, an essential requirement for above average employee productivity, can be improved. Using a whole population survey of a county police force in the UK, managerial, job, and demographic variables are analysed that influence officers' organizational commitment. Experiences of the way officers are managed were found to have the strongest influence on their organizational commitment while job related variables were found to have a lesser influence. The decline in organizational commitment found in the early years of officers' careers should be a cause for concern for senior managers in the police. The paper concludes that much need to be done to make police policies more effective in achieving promotion of officers who have the managerial competences needed to engender higher levels of organizational commitment.     

Ego Identity Status as an Indicator of Peer Court Efficacy

Peer courts are an alternative to juvenile court, intended to provide less stigmatizing and more individually responsive dispositions for first‐time and early youthful offenders. This study examined the potential usefulness of assessing ego identity status for peer courts. Mailed surveys were sent to attendees of seven Utah peer courts who had their cases reviewed between August 1998 and January 1999. Thirty‐seven percent (N = 120) responded. Chi Square analysis showed that ego identity statuses were related to drug use and previous delinquent behavior, but not recidivism. Foreclosed status youths were statistically unlikely to recidivate, use drugs, and reported fewer previous offenses.     

Partisan Turnout Bias in Midterm Legislative Elections

Abstract: Lower salience elections present greater opportunities for representational bias at the polls than do elections with higher levels of political interest. We hypothesize that turnout bias is most likely to occur during midterm congressional elections in which there are clear short‐term forces that exploit the low turnout setting. The effects of these forces are more likely to be observable among registered nonvoters than citizens who are not registered to vote because registrants have access to the polls and are likely to have voted in previous presidential contests. Using midterm National Election Study data from 1978 to 1998, we find that registered nonvoters are frequently more Democratic than midterm election voters, particularly in 1994 and 1998. The historic 1994 congressional election seat losses for Democrats may be partially explained by the finding that voters going to the polls were clearly more conservative than registered nonvoters.