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941.
942.
Loza W Neo LH Shahinfar A Loza-Fanous A 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2005,49(5):547-560
The Self-Appraisal Questionnaire (SAQ) is a 72-item self-report measure designed to predict violent and nonviolent recidivism among adult male criminal offenders. It was administered to 91 female offenders incarcerated in Pennsylvania and 183 incarcerated in Singapore correctional systems. Results indicated that the SAQ has sound psychometric properties, with acceptable reliability and concurrent and predictive validity for assessing violent and nonviolent recidivism. There were no significant differences between the scores of African American and Asian offenders and the responses of the White offenders. Similar to the findings from male offenders, the present results provide some support for the validity of the SAQ in the prediction of violent and nonviolent recidivism risk among White, African American, and Asian female offenders. 相似文献
943.
吗啡依赖形成的机制是一个复杂的过程。涉及特定脑区突触超微结构变化、神经递质、酶学等多种复杂的机制,并且相互之间有密切的联系。本文从蛋白激酶类、一氧化氮合酶、超氧化物歧化酶、腺苷酸环化酶、琥珀酸脱氢酶、3β-羟基类固醇脱氢酶等几方面对吗啡依赖相关酶体系的研究进展作一综合性论述。 相似文献
944.
945.
946.
我国构建低成本政府的内在困境分析 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
政府成本在中国的出现是在致力于建立完善的社会主义市场经济体制中提出的。低成本政府的构建无疑会推进社会主义市场经济发展,成为国家政治、经济体制创新的又一着力点。对于构建低成本政府,从一开始学者们就提出了多种方法。但是对现实具体环境缺乏有效的现实指导力。要顺利地构建有效的低成本政府,必须尽快地从根本上解决其内在的三重困境:理念困境、动力困境和路径困境,从根本性和长远性出发,使构建低成本政府的努力成为一种可能的制度变迁选择。 相似文献
947.
加强高校学生党组织工作的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
培养什么人、如何培养人,是我国社会主义教育事业发展中必须解决好的根本问题。大学生是国家宝贵的人才资源。要使大学生真正成为国家建设的主力军、生力军,不仅要大力提高他们的科学文化素质,更重要的是提高他们的思想政治素质。而强化学生党组织建设和党组织活动,是高校思想政治工作中必不可少的重要环节。1.配合高校“两课”教学,积极发挥学生党组织的作用。政治理论课和思想品德课是对当代大学生进行马克思主义理论教育和思想品德教育的主渠道、主阵地。高校在坚持“育人为本、德育为先”的教育目的下,积极发挥学生党组织的作用,是真正… 相似文献
948.
政府职能的社会化是转变政府职能,解决官僚行政内在不足的根本出路。这一改革需要有宏观的法律制度,也必将引起政府行为方式的变化,而监督与救济机制的完善是各方主体法律权益得以实现的保障。 相似文献
949.
论公共服务的社区化——以昆明市盘龙区劝学社区为例 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
公共服务社区化已成为世界性的选择。社区成为全球政府实现治道变革的平台,它能提高公共服务的供给效率,有利于形成政府与公民“双赢”的局面。目前我国公共服务社区化中存在的问题是:“行政化倾向、市场化倾向、搭便车和不规范行为等。公共服务社区供给的改革应包括:对社区供给的繁复的公共服务进行科学定位、加强社区自治组织架构的建设、与政府合作、建立社区公共财政体制、探索多中心集体选择的激励机制和提升社区能力。 相似文献
950.
Emerging at the turn of the twentieth century, overseas Chinese nationalism played an important part in the evolution of the overseas Chinese community and modern history of China. It is generally held that overseas Chinese nationalism had died out and had become ‘a historical phenomenon’ by the 1950s, when the China-centered allegiance of the overseas Chinese was replaced by a local-oriented identity. The fundamental change of the Chinese diasporic communities over the last two decades, however, has put this conventional wisdom into contestation. This essay is concerned with the emergence of the xin yinmin (new migrants) and corresponding manifestations of a reviving overseas Chinese nationalism since 1980. It is divided into two main parts. The first is empirical, examining the rise and characteristics of the new migrants, who are composed of four main types: students-turned-migrants, emigrating professionals, chain migrants, and illegal immigrants. The second section is conceptual and comparative, looking at the manifestations and limitations of the reviving overseas Chinese nationalism and placing them in a historical perspective. It also considers the embedded tensions between nationalism and transnationalism and the strategies employed by both the Chinese state and new migrants in tackling these tensions. I argue that there are complex reasons behind the re-emergence of overseas Chinese nationalism. From overseas, it is a by-product of the formation of sizeable new migrant communities, particularly in the West. As the first-generation immigrants who have extensive links with the homeland, they remain culturally, and often, politically, attached to China (as a nation-state and/or site of transnational imaginary) and are concerned greatly with Chinese matters. Through such intermediaries as Chinese-language newspapers, websites and TV programs, they form a borderless and imagined greater China that is bound by both the ideas of sovereignty and transnational culture. From the mainland, a series of policies relating to the Chinese overseas facilitate the connections between China and its population overseas, thus providing a potential ground for the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. I argue that the key agendas of this reviving overseas Chinese nationalism are China's economic prosperity, cultural regeneration, and national unification. This nationalism, furthermore, is characterized by its reactive nature and embedded contradictions with the simultaneous process of transnationalism, which in turn reduces the centrality and intensity of nationalism. As a result, it is unlikely to constitute a unified ideology or a movement with centralized leadership such as that in the 1930s. 相似文献