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51.
Aaron M. Hoffman Dwaine H. A. Jengelley Natasha T. Duncan Melissa Buehler Meredith L. Rees 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):559-580
Observers argue that the business of news is responsible for worsening the coverage of terrorism, but exactly how economic considerations influence coverage is controversial. Based on an analysis of over 1600 articles from The Washington Post and USA Today, we find that concerns about the effects of economic pressures on terrorism reporting are exaggerated. The business climate affects coverage, but the long-term impact of market pressures on coverage is modest. Articles about terrorist violence are increasingly prominent, but coverage of counterterrorism remains robust. Efforts to inoculate the press against the worst excesses of the market are unnecessary. 相似文献
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Huw Clayton 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(5):745-746
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Huw Davies 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):202-223
Wellington is well known for his understanding of the importance of intelligence, but so far history has recorded that he presided over a one-man intelligence department, himself being the only analyst of what proved to be a massive quantity of raw information. New research highlighted in this article reveals that this has been an inaccurate interpretation. The British government also acted to establish a civilian network of correspondents and agents communicating with the British ambassadors to Spain and Portugal. Wellington's main priority was to integrate the ‘strategic intelligence’ collected by government agents with his own ‘operational intelligence’. Instead, analysis was conducted more by Wellington's subordinates in the field, applying their personal localized expertise to the information they received. In this way, an early and primitive form of the staff system later developed by the Prussians was created in the Peninsular War. 相似文献
54.
Huw Dylan 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(6):777-806
Between 1957 and 1961, American National Intelligence Estimates overestimated the Soviets’ capabilities to produce and deploy intercontinental ballistic missiles, creating the ‘missile gap’ controversy. This article examines the contemporaneous estimates of British intelligence on the Soviet ballistic missile program, which were based upon very similar, if not the same, raw intelligence. It demonstrates that British estimates of the Soviet ICBM program were more accurate. However, this success did not continue in the analysis of the medium- and intermediate-range ballistic missile (M/IRBM) threat, which was relatively poor for most of the period. It concludes that the reasons for this lie in the different assumptions held by intelligence analysts on both sides of the Atlantic, and a degree of conservatism in both intelligence establishments. 相似文献
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Huw Macartney 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2014,27(3):401-423
Europe is facing both a political crisis of democracy and legitimacy and an economic crisis of debt and competitiveness. These crises seem to point in two distinct directions, growing social unrest over the Europeanized mechanisms of economic adjustment, and increasing efforts at strengthening those same institutions that regulate the adjustment process. Recent analyses have suggested that this failure of democracy will prove decisive; legitimacy for crisis management efforts requires a redemocratization of the European polity. Instead, drawing on an analysis of ordo- and neo-liberal traditions, the article explains how European integration was itself a response to the perceived threat of democratic demands at the domestic level. The body of the article then traces the crisis through three phases, arguing that efforts by state managers reflect a deliberate attempt to depoliticize policy-making processes. Yet the selective intervention—to restore accumulation whilst withdrawing social spending—has only fuelled the politicization of segments of European society. This threatens to test the limits of depoliticization as a governing strategy. 相似文献
58.
Christina Rees 《Women's history review》2014,23(6):996-999
The move to ordain women as priests and bishops in the Church of England has taken nearly 40?years of campaigning in General Synod and almost 100 years of discussion and debate more widely in the Church. Christina Rees, a member of the Church of England's ruling body, the General Synod, considers why there has been such a long struggle, especially after agreeing that women can be ordained as priests, and therefore are suitable for Holy Orders. Over the past 25?years she has uncovered disturbing evidence that the insidious ideology of patriarchy has distorted theology in ways that has contributed to entrenched discrimination against women in the Church. 相似文献
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