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211.
借助双因素理论的视角,分析影响科学发展的因素,求证经济建设是科学发展的激励因素,生态保护是科学发展的保健因素.科学发展的实质是激励、保健因素并驾齐驱,推动经济社会又好又快发展,实现人与自然的和谐,构建社会主义和谐社会.  相似文献   
212.
Reconciling effective government with accountable government remains an enormous political challenge, especially in the postcolonial world. Can postcolonial states only gain infrastructural power when their rulers enjoy unencumbered despotic power? With their contradictory findings about the influence of democratic parliaments on state autonomy and capacity, the literatures on constitutional states in Western Europe and developmental states in Northeast Asia provide limited guidance on this normatively critical question. As an alternative approach, this essay proposes three causal mechanisms through which competitive national elections can incite the territorial extension of state institutions: (1) catalyzing the construction of mass ruling parties; (2) energizing state registration of marginal populations; and (3) fostering centralized intervention in local authoritarian enclaves. Evidence from Southeast Asia suggests that competitive elections will only have these infrastructural effects when accompanied by robust mass political mobilization. This has intriguing implications for how scholars understand historical patterns of state-building in the West, as well as how policymakers try to build more effective states in the most ungoverned corners of the contemporary world.  相似文献   
213.
唐茂华  陈丹 《长白学刊》2009,(4):99-103
农地流转和适度规模经营是经济社会发展到一定阶段的必然要求,但台湾地区和日本农地经营的历史进程表明,农户数量而非农业就业人口是其决定性变量。据此来看,中国的农地流转和规模经营也将是一个长期而缓慢的渐进过程。而非一蹴而就。当务之急是避免农地非农化和非粮化的进一步蔓延,在“不改变土地用途”的框架下推动农地流转和规模经营,否则必将损害中国粮食安全和耕地保护的长远利益。  相似文献   
214.
高知群体是科研工作中的骨干队伍,也是推动科研改革发展的生力军。但工会现有的培训模式呈现出盲目性、随机性和形式化的特点,主要表现为对培训的重要性和必要性认识不足、制定的培训计划与实际需求脱节和培训内容与形式缺乏创新性,达不到预期效果。工会组织要充分认识对高知群体实施素质培训的必要性,积极探索具有科研院所特色的培训思路、方法和形式,走出一条适合高知群体职业发展的培训之路,创建高层次人才自主培养的新机制,在科技人才的自主培养上有所作为。  相似文献   
215.
The article seeks to explain the emergence of the view that English law contains a fundamental divide between public and private law. I propose to explain the divide, not as a conceptual distinction, grounded in the internal rationality of law, but as a response to the potential problem of political legitimacy arising from the fact that in the domain of private law courts are constantly engaged in making substantive law. That by itself shows that the divide between public and private law is politically motivated, but I further argue that the prevailing view of law among proponents of the divide revives Dicey's conception of the common law within the narrower domain of private law. Since Dicey's views are widely believed to be motivated by his political views, if I am right, this lends support to the conclusion that the views of defenders of the divide are grounded in similar political positions.  相似文献   
216.
余丹 《法学论坛》2012,(2):102-107
目前,食品安全立法技术是基于完全理性论基础上制定的,这种立法理念是相信人拥有完全理性认识能力,对一切事物采取正面看法,其立法技术特征是以"增进善"为立法目的,因而在力图表明技术指标确定性的同时,导致了片面性。科学哲学家波普尔、库恩的有限理性论则认为,衡量一种理论科学地位的标准不是"可证实",而是"可证伪性"或"可反驳性",在此立法理念指引下的立法技术特征表现为:立法目的并不一定会"增善",但却可以"减少恶"。因此,以有限理性论为分析视角,可修正立法技术,使立法技术指标不仅具有确定性,更具有全面性。  相似文献   
217.
This paper reinterprets a child’s right to an open future as justified by authenticity rather than autonomy. It argues that authenticity can be recognized as valuable by people whose conceptions of the good do not value autonomy. As a running example, the paper considers ultra-Orthodox Jews who lead separatist lives and who deny their sons secular education beyond an elementary school level. If their adult sons want to have careers and participate in life outside the religious enclave, they cannot easily do so. The parents see no reason to protect their child’s autonomy (which they do not value) or to prepare their child for a life that conflicts with their values. This paper provides one response to their concerns. Following a political-liberal project of seeking overlapping consensus, it tries to base demands that children be prepared for varied futures on values that reasonable religious people can embrace.  相似文献   
218.
Yisu Zhou  Dan Wang 《当代中国》2016,25(100):563-578
The right to education for children from rural migrant families in urban areas has sparked heated debates in China. While there are increasing indications of policy changes to bring public education to all citizens regardless of their residency, it is less clear what kinds of resources are needed to create an education supply to serve this constantly moving and ever-growing population. Using archival and interview data on a large urban district in Shanghai, the authors analyze the constraints faced by local government in providing full-scale free education to migrant children. The authors find that the public finance scheme, teacher staffing policy and land use policy are the three factors that constrain the supply of public education in large metropolitan areas. This analysis also shows that under the current decentralized management scheme, local government alone does not have the capacity to resolve these constraints. This finding calls for coordination among various state branches at the national level.  相似文献   
219.
<正>On October 14th,Seminar on Promoting ChinaPhilippine People-to-People Exchanges and Cooperation co-sponsored by the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU)and China Foundation for Peace and Development(CFPD)was held in Beijing.Besides 9 members of the delegation of the Philippine Center of Young Leaders in Governance(PCYL)who were visiting China at the invitation of  相似文献   
220.
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