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871.
Not unlike the 1930s, the current state of global economic governance is marked by a vacuum of leadership as neither traditional leading states nor emerging economic actors have proven able or willing to coordinate collective action. This interregnum has allowed space for the G20 to emerge as a calibrating force for the maintenance of a liberal economic order. Protectionist impulses, however, are increasingly emerging victorious as unemployment and domestic interests drive political action. The stabilizing presence of the G20 is thus tested in an environment privileging divisive domestic-oriented forces allowed greater space under conditions in a fragmented post-hegemonic global economy. These spaces for domestic concern, and the receptiveness of policy leaders to them, represent a return to the promise of embedded liberalism and away from the era of hyper-liberalization that has marked the past several decades of broadly measured economic growth. 相似文献
872.
Dan Reiter 《安全研究》2013,22(4):594-623
Realists propose that elected leaders that seek war but face a hesitant public may use deception to build public support for war. Leaders may secretly make provocative diplomatic or military moves to push the adversary to attack first, rallying the public behind a war effort seen as defensive, or publicly exaggerate the threat posed by the adversary. This paper develops a liberal institutionalist critique of this theory, positing that elected leaders are deterred from engaging in such deception because democratic political institutions such as political competition, a professionalized military, and the marketplace of ideas increase the likelihood that such moves will be exposed, and once exposed, deceptive politicians will suffer domestic political punishment. The paper examines the thesis that Franklin Roosevelt sought to provoke Germany and Japan to war in 1941, finding little support. It also finds that in general autocratic leaders are more likely than elected leaders to deceive. 相似文献
873.
Dan Dermengiu Ph.D. George Cristian Curca Ph.D. Mihai Ceausu Ph.D. Sorin Hostiuc M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1183-1188
If in clinical practice definitive diagnostic criteria had been established, after death sepsis is often difficult to diagnose, especially if a site of origin is not found or if no clinical data are available. This article will analyze the etiology of sepsis in a medical‐legal service with emphasis on the differences in diagnosing it in clinical and forensic environments. A total of 78 cases of sepsis cases diagnosed or confirmed at the autopsy were selected. The etiological agent was determined either during the hospitalization or by postmortem bacteriology. A high prevalence of Gram‐negative sepsis was found, especially multidrug‐resistant micro‐organisms. Most frequent etiological agents were Acinetobacter baumannii, Escherichia coli, Enterobacter, Enterococcus, Pseudomonas, and Klebsiella. Polymicrobial sepsis is much more frequent than in nonforensic cases. In legal medicine, the prevalence of Gram‐negative sepsis is much higher than in nonforensic autopsies, and the point of origin is shifted toward the skin and the gastrointestinal system. 相似文献
874.
Dan Priel 《Law & society review》2013,47(1):169-198
The scope of negligence liability of public authorities in English law has undergone significant changes in the Post‐World War II period, first expanding and then, from the mid‐1980s, retracting. This article tries to explain why this happened not by focusing, as is common in most commentary on this area of law, on changing doctrinal “tests,” but rather by tying it to changes in the background political ideology. My main contention is that political change has brought about a change in the law, but that it did so by affecting the scope of the political domain, and by implication, also the scope of the legal one. More specifically, I argue that Britain's Post‐War consensus on the welfare state has enabled the courts to expand state liability in accordance with emerging notions of the welfare state without seeming to take the law into controversial territory. When Thatcher came to power, the welfare state was no longer in consensus, thus making further development of legal doctrines on welfarist lines appear politically contentious. The courts therefore reverted back to older doctrines that seemed less politically charged in the new political atmosphere of the 1980s. 相似文献
875.
Dan Jerker B. Svantesson 《Commonwealth Law Bulletin》2013,39(2):404-406
876.
Objective To study the objectivity and reliability of needle electromyography and nerve con- duction for detection of musculus extensor digitorum brevis strength, which may provide a basis for es- tablishing a quantitative detection of muscle strength in forensic clinical study. Methods Forty-four healthy people were enrolled as the subjects, and during toe dorsiflexion, the following items including needle electromyography indexes, motor unit potential (MUP) amplitude, MUP count, recruitment reaction type, and nerve conduction detection indexes, compound muscle action potential (CMAP) amplitude, CMAP latent period and motor nerve conduction velocity (MNCV), were simultaneously detected under the co- operation and disguise condition. Results Under the cooperation condition, regardless of the same opera- tor or different operators, there were good test-retest reliabilities in MUP amplitude, CMAP amplitude, CMAP latent period and MNCV, while there were normal test-retest reliabilities in MUP count and re- cruitment reaction type and the repeatability of the same operator was slightly better than the repeatabili- ty between different operators. Under the disguise condition, test-retest reliabilities of MUP amplitude, CMAP amplitude, CMAP latent period and M-NCV were relatively high, while test-retest reliabilities of MUP count and recruitment reaction type were relatively low. Conclusion There are good test-retest reli- abilities in MUP amplitude, CMAP amplitude, CMAP latent period and M-NCV, which can be conducive to comparison between different operators and results at various times; MUP count and recruitment reac- tion type, which can be easily affected by subjectivity of operators and examinees, can be used to dif- ferentiate whether an examinee disguises or not. The indexes used to objectively judge muscle strength remain to be further investigated. 相似文献
877.
Dan Okada 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(4):351-353
ABSTRACTOver the past decade, a small movement endorsing the use of animal abuse registries (AARs) has emerged in the United States. Today, one state, 16 counties, and the City of New York have adopted AAR legislation, and 28 other states have attempted to pass such legislation. Here, we discuss similarities between AARs and sexual offender registries in theoretical terms, discuss the nature of AAR legislation, and provide data on the use of AARs, and count the number of offenders listed in those registries at two points in time. We also provide a count of animal abuse, and potential ways that animal abuse might be counted that are not addressed in current AAR legislation. We discuss whether AARs are ‘a good idea,’ especially as a policy response that might be associated with green criminology. 相似文献
878.
Dan Stone 《Patterns of Prejudice》2016,50(4-5):445-457
ABSTRACTStone argues that we need to disaggregate Nazi race ideologues since they do not form one undifferentiated mass. Ultimately, all the Nazis were race ideologues and chief among them were Hitler, Himmler and the other leading figures. All of the leading Nazis, whether they dealt specifically with ‘racial policy’ or not, put forward a racialized ideology, but those who made a name for themselves specifically as race theorists did not therefore all share the same views, nor did they all contribute in equal measure to the regime's crimes. Nor did race science, however deeply it threw its lot in with Nazism, drive the regime as much as did a kind of racial mysticism, or ‘thinking with the blood’. Here Stone suggests how we might evaluate the relative contributions made to the development of the Third Reich and its crimes by race scientists of different stripes, on the one hand, and theorists of racial-political conspiracies on the other. 相似文献
879.
An autopsy case of sudden death induced by alimentary tract hemorrhage was presented,which was caused by the unexpected rupture of clinically unrecognized tuberculous abdominal aortic aneurysm(TAAA).The initial diagnosis was made of the syndrome of coronary heart disease and hypertensive disease.The detailed autopsy showed that the alimentary tract hemorrhage was caused by a sudden rupture of the mass after posture changing was ascertained as the cause of death.The diagnosis of TAAA was determined by the autopsy findings.Analysis for the medical dispute of TAAA was described,and the difficulty of the diagnosis and medico-legal implications were also discussed. 相似文献
880.
Russian forensic psychiatry is defined by its troubled and troubling relationship to an unstable state, a state that was not a continuous entity during the modern era. From the mid-nineteenth century, Russia as a nation-state struggled to reform, collapsed, re-constituted itself in a bloody civil war, metastasized into a violent “totalitarian” regime, reformed and stagnated under “mature socialism” and then embraced capitalism and “managed democracy” at the end of the twentieth century. These upheavals had indelible effects on policing and the administration of justice, and on psychiatry's relationship with them. In Russia, physicians specializing in medicine of the mind had to cope with rapid and radical changes of legal and institutional forms, and sometimes, of the state itself. Despite this challenging environment, psychiatrists showed themselves to be active professionals seeking to guide the transformations that inevitably touched their work. In the second half of the nineteenth century debates about the role of psychiatry in criminal justice took place against a backdrop of increasingly alarming terrorist activity, and call for revolution. While German influence, with its preference for hereditarianism, was strong, Russian psychiatry was inclined toward social and environmental explanations of crime. When revolution came in 1917, the new communist regime quickly institutionalized forensic psychiatry. In the aftermath of revolution, the institutionalization of forensic psychiatry “advanced” with each turn of the state's transformation, with profound consequences for practitioners' independence and ethical probity. The abuses of Soviet psychiatry under Stalin and more intensively after his death in the 1960s–80s remain under-researched and key archives are still classified. The return to democracy since the late 1980s has seen mixed results for fresh attempts to reform both the justice system and forensic psychiatric practice. 相似文献