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141.
Recent histories of Ancient Greece describe a transition from customary law to public criminal justice between 800 and 400 B.C. This narrative contains three pieces of evidence against the presumption that prisons are a public good and government must provide incarcerations. First, before the rise of a formal government, Ancient Greece had a functioning system of criminal law enforcement. Second, the timeline surrounding the rise of government institutions in Ancient Greece originated with Solon’s penal reforms. Lastly, the rise of a government system was more the result of private rather than public interest.  相似文献   
142.
Dans le présent article, le lien entre la distribution des revenus et les taux de croissance est analysé de manière empirique à l'aide d'une série de régressions. A l'opposé des études antérieures, la relation en question est examinée à la fois dans l'espace et dans le temps: l'auteur construit un panel basé sur une période de 40 ans et sur un échantillon homogène, composé par dix pays de l'Europe de l'Ouest. Démontrant une corrélation négative significative entre les deux variables, les résultats confirment la théorie qui identifie l'inégalité comme un frein à la croissance. Il en suit que les facteurs concernant la distribution du revenu se répercutent sur la croissance économique à moyen et long terme au même titre que les variables macroéconomiques traditionnelles. Ces résultats sont discutés à la lumière de deux transformations économiques récentes, le cas de la croissance américaine d'une part et la globalisation des économies d'autre part.  相似文献   
143.
This study assessed the associations of characteristics of domestic violence incidents with clinically significant levels of traumatic symptoms and behavioral problems in a socio-economically and ethnically mixed sample of 687 children participating in a community-service program for children witnessing violence. Study predictors included child/family demographic characteristics, type and chronicity of exposure, and child’s perceptions of control over the event and threat to personal safety. Outcomes consisted of traumatic symptoms and behavior problems. Results showed that perceived threat and control were associated with greater odds of clinically significant levels of several trauma symptoms (and behavior problems in the case of perceived threat) after adjusting for effects of demographic factors and violence characteristics. Child co-victimization increased odds of reaching clinically significant levels of traumatic symptoms compared to children who witnessed the event but were not victimized. Female sex and White ethnicity increased odds of specific trauma symptoms and behavior problems. Increasing age reduced odds of some trauma symptoms. Associations between predictors and one outcome measure did not generalize across the other outcome measure. Implications of study findings, and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   
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Criminal justice professionals are a potential source of students for many criminal justice programs, especially those in metropolitan areas. This study explored factors that influenced the higher education decisions of 480 Northwestern Ohio criminal justice employees (e.g., municipal police officers, sheriff deputies, jail staff, and prison staff). Most indicated a desire to pursue higher education. Among those indicating an interest in earning a degree, cost and convenience were the most significant factors in their choice. The availability of evening and weekend classes, availability of a part-time curriculum, availability of financial aid/tuition reimbursement, total credit hours required for the degree, the field experience of faculty, and flexibility in admission requirements were all significant factors. Location was also very significant. Most respondents indicated that they would not travel more than thirty minutes to attend classes.  相似文献   
146.
Despite their increasing importance, there is little theoretical understanding of why nation-states initiate economic sanctions or what determines their success. These events are often explained away as "symbolic politics" driven completely by domestic-level factors. This article develops a simple game-theoretic model of economic coercion to show that both "senders" and "targets" of economic coercion incorporate expectations of future conflict as well as the short-run opportunity costs of coercion into their behavior. Conflict expectations have a paradoxical effect on coercion events. First, senders that anticipate frequent conflicts will be more willing to initiate economic coercion, even if such attempts are costly. Senders that anticipate few conflicts will not threaten sanctions unless they incur minimal costs and the target would suffer significantly. While a robust anticipation of future disputes might make the sender prefer a coercive strategy, it also reduces its ability to obtain concessions. Target states that anticipate frequent conflict with the sender will make fewer concessions. Ironically, a sender will obtain the most favorable distribution of payoffs when it cares the least about its reputation or the distribution of gains. These hypotheses are tested statistically, with the results strongly supporting the conflict expectations model.  相似文献   
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This paper sorts to examine the effects of post election violence on education in Kenya, after the presidential election results were disputed over by the two main presidential candidates. The rationale of the paper is due to the fact that among many other aspects of society that were affected in such a case is education. All levels of education were affected, and particularly primary and secondary education could not proceed on schedule as had earlier been planned. Other issues raised in this paper include the trauma experienced by students, loss of parents and guardians among others. The objectives of this paper therefore include: (1) To determine the effects of political violence on the education system in Kenya; (2) To establish the challenges facing students in Kenya after the post election violence; (3) To analyze individual attitudes of students towards the role of education in promoting national unity; (4) To determine how to re-imagine the role of education in promoting peace and peaceful coexistence in Kenya.  相似文献   
150.
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