Previous studies have shown that a small number of Supreme Court decisions that “rearrange[d] the … distribution of political benefits” have drawn the media's attention to the underlying issues involved in those cases. This article provides an additional test of that empirical claim, examining the effects of the Supreme Court's gay rights cases on media coverage of homosexuality from 1990 to 2005. The data indicate that Supreme Court decisions that expanded the scope of gay rights increased coverage of homosexuality in both The New York Times and USA Today, while cases that affirmed the existing scope of gay rights had no such effect. 相似文献
Over 30 years ago, Eric Browne and Mark Franklin demonstrated that parties in a coalition tend to receive portfolio payoffs in almost perfect proportionality to their seat share. Even though this result has been confirmed in several studies, few researchers have asked what the underlying mechanism is that explains why parties receive a proportional payoff. The aim of this paper is to investigate the causal mechanism linking party size and portfolio payoffs. To fulfil this aim, a small-n analysis is performed. By analysing the predictions from a statistical analysis of all post-war coalition governments in 14 Western European countries, two predicted cases are selected, the coalitions that formed after the 1976 Swedish election and the 1994 German election. In these case studies two hypotheses are evaluated: that the proportional distribution of ministerial posts is the result of a social norm, and that parties obtain payoffs according to their bargaining strength. The results give no support to the social norm hypothesis. Instead, it is suggested that proportionality serves as a bargaining convention for the actors involved, thus rendering proportional payoffs more likely. 相似文献
Abstract The Sociomoral Reflection Measure—Short Form Objective (SRM-SFO), with additional items related to sexual moral issues, was applied to an incarcerated sexually abusive juvenile population. Sexually abusive youths were expected to show a lower level of moral development related to sexual issues when compared to non-offending youths, but not for non-sexual issues. The sample consisted of 24 incarcerated sexually abusive male youths and 24 non-offending male youths. Results indicated that sexually abusive youths used more pre-conventional reasoning related to sexual issues when compared to controls. No differences were found in conventional reasoning on sexual issues and non-sexual issues. In addition, no differences were found in pre-conventional reasoning on non-sexual issues, thus partly confirming the main hypothesis. It was concluded that the original form of the SRM-SFO could not assess existing moral development delays in sexually abusive youths, but can with appropriate adjustments. Additionally, the results suggest that moral development is rather flexible in relation to moral value domains. 相似文献
AbstractThe purpose of this study was to test whether attachment styles change over the course of a sex offender-specific treatment programme for incarcerated adult male sex offenders. To measure attachment styles, 44 male sex offenders (treatment n = 26, waitlist n = 18) completed the Relationship Scales Questionnaire (RSQ) and the Adult Attachment Scale (AAS). The results indicated that treatment participants showed significant decreases in levels of anxious attachment measures from pre- to post-test. Furthermore, the results from the RSQ 2-factor showed that participants in the treatment group demonstrated a significant decrease in avoidant attachment levels at post-test compared to the waitlist group. The results from the AAS showed that participants in the treatment group demonstrated a significant decrease in dependent attachment levels at post-test compared to the waitlist group. Implications of results are discussed. 相似文献
In May 2013, a report on the British Security Service (MI5) by Sir Samuel Findlater Stewart was released by the Cabinet Office. Dated November 1945, the report on the future organization and activities of MI5 was significant in that it defined the Service's post-war remit, accountability and relations with the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), laying the groundwork of MI5's mandate until the introduction of the Security Service Act in 1989. The article also suggests that the report is significant, not just because it sheds important light on MI5's wartime and post-war role, but because it helps question existing assumptions about the relationship between the Security Service and the post-war Labour Government of Clement Attlee, often viewed as a troubled one. 相似文献
Among the most contentious questions in public administration is how the performance of public organizations should be evaluated, and nowhere is this issue more salient than in urban public schools. While significant attention has been devoted to studying administrative measures of public organizations, the views of citizens concerning performance have been widely criticized and are not frequently gathered by schools. How these assessments relate to each other is central to many questions in education policy (e.g., choice, equity) and has important implications for democracy, bureaucratic professionalism, and public performance. This debate can be viewed as focusing on the distinction between convergent validity and discriminant validity. Using data from New York City's public school system with a cross‐sectional time‐series approach, parent and teacher evaluations are compared to government records of schools’ characteristics and performance. The findings suggest that parents and teachers are able to conduct intelligent, meaningful evaluations of school quality. 相似文献
A large literature shows that citizens care about the procedural fairness of rules and institutions. This body of work suggests that citizen evaluations of institutional changes should be constrained by fairness considerations, even if they would personally benefit from the reforms. We test this expectation using two panel studies to examine whether citizens become more accepting of proposals rated as unfair (in wave one) after we experimentally manipulate (in wave two) whether the proposals aid their party’s electoral prospects. Using this approach, we are able to establish what citizens see to be fair or unfair separate from their evaluation of a given rule change. We find that supporters of both parties are consistently more favorable toward reforms their fellow partisans and, crucially, they themselves, claim reduce electoral fairness when framed as advancing their partisan interests. The results provide important insights into how citizens evaluate electoral processes, procedural fairness, and, hence, the acceptable limits of institutional change.
Journal of Family Violence - During the COVID-19 pandemic, reports to child abuse and neglect hotlines have dropped significantly across the United States. Yet, during this same period, calls to... 相似文献