全文获取类型
收费全文 | 9782篇 |
免费 | 352篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 563篇 |
工人农民 | 371篇 |
世界政治 | 823篇 |
外交国际关系 | 435篇 |
法律 | 5363篇 |
中国政治 | 52篇 |
政治理论 | 2420篇 |
综合类 | 107篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 154篇 |
2019年 | 196篇 |
2018年 | 249篇 |
2017年 | 281篇 |
2016年 | 280篇 |
2015年 | 186篇 |
2014年 | 221篇 |
2013年 | 1151篇 |
2012年 | 259篇 |
2011年 | 267篇 |
2010年 | 236篇 |
2009年 | 246篇 |
2008年 | 272篇 |
2007年 | 265篇 |
2006年 | 261篇 |
2005年 | 241篇 |
2004年 | 244篇 |
2003年 | 229篇 |
2002年 | 229篇 |
2001年 | 296篇 |
2000年 | 255篇 |
1999年 | 214篇 |
1998年 | 147篇 |
1997年 | 127篇 |
1996年 | 101篇 |
1995年 | 110篇 |
1994年 | 105篇 |
1993年 | 106篇 |
1992年 | 149篇 |
1991年 | 191篇 |
1990年 | 169篇 |
1989年 | 175篇 |
1988年 | 161篇 |
1987年 | 178篇 |
1986年 | 167篇 |
1985年 | 175篇 |
1984年 | 159篇 |
1983年 | 156篇 |
1982年 | 124篇 |
1981年 | 106篇 |
1980年 | 111篇 |
1979年 | 116篇 |
1978年 | 85篇 |
1977年 | 68篇 |
1976年 | 76篇 |
1975年 | 68篇 |
1974年 | 77篇 |
1973年 | 79篇 |
1972年 | 66篇 |
1969年 | 60篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
281.
282.
Opportunistic electoral fiscal policy cycle theory suggests that all subnational officials will raise fiscal spending during elections. Ideological partisan fiscal policy cycle theory suggests that only left‐leaning governments will raise election year fiscal spending, with right‐leaning parties choosing the reverse. This article assesses which of these competing logics applies to debt policy choices. Cross‐sectional time‐series analysis of yearly loan acquisition across Mexican municipalities—on statistically matched municipal subsamples to balance creditworthiness across left‐ and right‐leaning governments—shows that all parties engage in electoral policy cycles but not in the way originally thought. It also shows that different parties favored different types of loans, although not always according to partisan predictions. Both electoral and partisan logics thus shape debt policy decisions—in contrast to fiscal policy where these logics are mutually exclusive—because debt policy involves decisions on multiple dimensions, about the total and type of loans. 相似文献
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
It appeared that as 1977 dawned, the political climate in the United States might render multi-billion dollar arms sales into unstable regions a thing of the past. Jimmy Carter triumphed in the presidential election of November 1976 on a popular platform of arms control and the introduction of human rights considerations into American foreign policy. His transition from that idealistic candidate to the president who agreed to sell Iran a fleet of highly advanced AWACS aircraft, as part of a record breaking $5.7 billion arms package, is therefore outwardly confusing. Yet, when examining the entrenched policy path that Carter inherited regarding arming Iran, and the larger needs of Cold War containment, the logic of Carter’s decisions essentially to betray his own policies in this case becomes clear. 相似文献
288.
Charles W. Mahoney 《安全研究》2017,26(1):30-59
Private military and security companies are integral components of the defense and intelligence operations of some of the world's most powerful states. Despite the increasingly pivotal role of contractors, analysts have yet to develop theories explaining when governments should outsource national security responsibilities or what conditions cause private defense markets to function efficiently. This inquiry addresses this gap in the literature by demonstrating that varying market structures—that is, the quantity of firms providing similar services and the number and purchasing power of those buying these services—have significant effects on costs, oversight, and company performance in the private defense industry. A principal–agent framework is developed to explain variation in the performance of firms in different markets across the industry. Evaluation of three private defense markets yields the surprising conclusion that monopsony, rather than a competitive market, is the ideal structure for governments outsourcing aspects of national defense. 相似文献
289.
This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards ‘individual’ explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong. 相似文献
290.