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21.
Daniela Lai 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2016,10(3):361-381
ABSTRACTThe incorporation of socioeconomic concerns into transitional justice has traditionally, as a result of prevailing liberal notions about dealing with the past, been both conceptually and practically difficult. This article demonstrates and accounts for these difficulties through the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country which has been characterized by a complex transition process and a far-reaching international intervention, encompassing transitional justice and peacebuilding as well as political and economic reforms. Examining the limits of international intervention in Bosnia and the marginalization of socioeconomic justice issues, the article analyses the events surrounding the protests that broke out in February 2014, and the ensuing international engagement with the protest movement. Faced with a broad-based civic movement calling for socioeconomic justice, the international community struggled to understand its claims as justice issues, framing them instead as problems to be tackled through reforms aimed at completing Bosnia’s transition towards a market economy. The operation of peacebuilding and transitional justice within the limits of neoliberal transformation is thus instrumental in explaining how and why socioeconomic justice issues become marginalized, as well as accounting for the expression of popular discontent where justice becomes an object of contestation and external intervention. 相似文献
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Christina Mancini Author Vitae Ryan T. Shields Author Vitae Author Vitae Kevin M. Beaver Author Vitae 《Journal of criminal justice》2010,38(5):1022
Despite a steady decline in sex crime over the past twenty years, new laws, such as residence restrictions, targeting such crime have proliferated. Some scholars have argued that public concern about sexual offending against young children has served as a catalyst for the emergence of these laws. Few studies, however, have empirically tested this claim. To address this gap and to contribute to scholarship on public opinion about crime and justice, this research tests a central implication flowing from prior work—namely, the notion that people with children will be more likely to endorse increased restrictions on where sex offenders can live. Analyses of public opinion data from a 2006 poll of Florida residents suggest that parents are indeed significantly more likely to support such restrictions. Implications of the study for research and policy are discussed. 相似文献
24.
Lars Krokoszinski Adrian Westenberger Daniela Hosser 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2018,29(4):527-543
Low emotional responsiveness promotes utilitarian decision-making on moral dilemmas. Based on the assumption that fraudsters use their emotional competence to deceive their victims, their emotional responsiveness is not expected to be protective against utilitarian decision-making. The present study investigates the key role of emotional responsiveness in relation to moral decision-making in 11 imprisoned fraudsters, 10 imprisoned violent offenders, and 11 non-offenders. Participants’ neural baseline activation of bilateral anterior insula (AI) was used as an indicator for emotional responsiveness. Results indicate that fraudsters and non-offenders have a higher right AI baseline activation than violent offenders. Yet, fraudsters and violent offenders show a stronger tendency towards utilitarian decisions than non-offenders. The predictive power of AI baseline activation on moral decision-making reaches significance only for fraudsters. Results give evidence that fraudsters are highly sensitive to their emotional state of mind, which, contrary to our expectation, exerts a strong influence on their moral decisions. 相似文献
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Daniela Donno 《American journal of political science》2013,57(3):703-716
When do elections in authoritarian regimes lead to democracy? Building from the distinction between competitive and hegemonic authoritarian regimes, I argue that presence of relatively weaker incumbents renders competitive authoritarian elections more prone to democratization, but only when domestic and international actors choose to actively pressure the regime. The effects of two forms of pressure—opposition electoral coalitions and international conditionality—are theorized. Propositions are tested using a comprehensive dataset of elections in authoritarian regimes from 1990 to 2007. Results support two core claims: that the effect of electoral pressure is conditional on the type of authoritarianism and that this greater vulnerability to pressure is the reason why competitive authoritarian elections are more likely to lead to democracy. In contrast, several alternative explanations—that differences across regime type are explained by alternation in power, better electoral conduct, or ongoing processes of liberalization—are not supported by the evidence. 相似文献
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AbstractToday’s financial system essentially relies on the pledge of collateral. A closer look at this uniquely cross-disciplinary instrument not only reveals a remarkable absence in the modern disciplines but also a close relationship with money. This connection is brought into theoretical perspective by analysing the role of pledge in three historical configurations. In ancient Greece, symbola and horoi stones emerge as two distinct devices to secure contract that become entwined in seventeenth–eighteenth century pledge-theories of money as witness and object of exchange. Together these throw new light on the contemporary form of shadow money as a distinct marriage of security and safety. 相似文献
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Current analyses of labour market transformations focus on two groups: creative and precarious workers. While the first group is typically seen as particularly good at coping with flexibility requirements, the latter appear to lag behind in their ability to compensate for uncertain employment prospects. This paper compares the perceptions and accounts of work experience and employment prospects for low qualified precarious workers and project workers in the film industry. The comparison shows that both groups are far more similar to each other regarding the structural aspects of their jobs and with respect to their interpretations of their work situation than expected. In both cases, the “setting” of the industry and the production process, and a specific view of the qualifications required—under the structural conditions of the labour market segment—are key for interpretations of the work situation. On the basis of these findings, the study suggests that the prevailing foci on labour-market and labour-supply structures could usefully be complemented with the perspective of “doing work” for the analysis of “good” and “bad” work. 相似文献
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Daniela Spirkova 《美中公共管理》2014,(9):750-762
Megaprojects have distinctive characters when compared with smaller construction projects. Cost overruns and time delays are quite common. Risk management of such projects is quite complex, and many risks are not evident at the beginning. We deal in detail with serious political risks that are quite strong especially in Central and Eastern Europe. At the end, the author outlines the economic impact of the project as well as possible lessons that were acquired during its realization. In the present paper, the author analyzes the process of completion of Units 3 and 4 of the nuclear power plant (NPP) in Mochovce--the largest megaproject ever realized in Slovakia. Large and complex projects, especially highways, bridges, and NPPs are unique in that their construction ventures into the jurisdictions of many other utilities and disciplines, and they tend to affect large industrial or commercial areas. As such, they influence and get influenced by many stakeholders. Project managers who are not attentively interacting the project environment are likely to face difficulties during planning and execution of their projects. Stakeholder management is a major activity in projects. This is further emphasized when projects are large and complex by nature. 相似文献
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Daniela Caruso 《European Law Journal》2004,10(6):751-765
Abstract: In European legal discourse, the old public/private divide is experiencing a revival and a transformation. Member States used to claim autonomy in private law matters. Now private law is subsumed into a functionalist logic and can presumptively be harmonised if so demanded by the goal of market integration. States or local constituencies can only resist harmonisation by highlighting the connection between their private laws and those 'public' matters still immune from Europeanisation. Property law can effectively illustrate this phenomenon. The written pledge of non-interference with States' property systems, restated both in the TEC and in the draft Constitution, cannot be taken at face value, given the plethora of supra-national inroads into this field. But it performs the essential rhetorical function of reassuring national law makers that Europe will pay special attention to sovereign choices when harmonising those areas of private law which, like property, harbour an obvious core of constitutional values. 相似文献