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121.
122.
Joanne Wallis 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(3):362-386
How can fragmented or divided post-conflict societies best be accommodated and adjust to state structures in order to achieve sustainable peace? Reflecting on the contrary experiences of Timor-Leste and Bougainville, an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea, this article argues the answer to this question rests partly on the role that participatory constitution-making can play in state-building, nation-building and peace-building. Constitution-making can play a central role in state-building, because constitutions provide the operating system that establishes state institutions and regulates state power. It can also play a nation-building role by defining the political bond between the people, and a peace-building role by encouraging reconciliation and embedding state institutions in society. This article draws on liberal political theory to argue that public participation in constitution-making can enhance the likelihood that the constitution produces legitimate and effective state institutions, generates a unifying sense of national identity and establishes sustainable peace. It finds that extensive public participation in Bougainville played a positive role by creating a sense of common identity, reconciling many of the most severe societal divisions and creating institutions that are relatively legitimate and effective. In contrast, minimal public participation in Timor-Leste meant that the constitution-making process did not play a positive role; it did not create a unifying national identity, left certain societal divisions unreconciled and exacerbated others, and created institutions that were largely illegitimate and ineffective. 相似文献
123.
Barak?ArielEmail author Alex?Sutherland Darren?Henstock Josh?Young Paul?Drover Jayne?Sykes Simon?Megicks Ryan?Henderson 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2016,12(3):453-463
Objectives
Our multisite randomized controlled trial reported that police body-worn cameras (BWCs) had, on average, no effect on recorded incidents of police use of force. In some sites, rates of use of force decreased and in others increased. We wanted to understand these counter-intuitive findings and report pre-specified subgroup analyses related to officers’ discretion on activating the BWCs.Methods
Using pre-established criteria for experimental protocol breakdown in terms of treatment integrity, ten experimental sites were subgrouped into “high-compliance” (no officer discretion applied to when and where BWCs should be used; n?=?3), “no-compliance” (treatment integrity failure in both treatment and control conditions; n?=?4), and tests where officers applied discretion during treatment group but followed protocol in control conditions only (n?=?4).Results
When officers complied with the experimental protocol and did not use discretion, use of force rates were 37 % lower [SMD?=?(?.346); SE?= .137; 95?% CI (?.614) – (?.077)]; when officers did not comply with treatment protocol (i.e., officers chose when to turn cameras on/off), use of force rates were 71 % higher [SMD?= .392; SE?= .130; 95?% CI (.136) – (.647)], compared to control conditions. When full discretion (i.e., overall breakdown of protocol) was applied to both treatment and control conditions, null effects were registered [SMD?= .009; SE=.070; 95?% CI (?.127) – (.146)], compared to control conditions.Conclusions
BWCs can reduce police use of force when then officers’ discretion to turn cameras on or off is minimized—in terms of both case types as well as individual incidents. BWCs ought to be switched on and the recording announced to suspects at early stages of police–public interactions. Future BWCs tests should pay close attention to adherence to experimental protocols.124.
Darren E. Tromblay 《Intelligence & National Security》2016,31(5):762-770
AbstractIn the nearly 15 years since the events of 11 September 2001, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has undertaken a succession of efforts to become an agency capable of fulfilling the intelligence functions with which it has been entrusted. However, historically, the FBI’s experience with intelligence has been reactive due to a law enforcement culture that closed cases rather than identified ways to keep opportunities for collection open, as well as bureaucratic wariness due to the differing expectations from one Presidential administration to the next. The Threat Review and Prioritization (TRP) process is the most recent iteration of the Bureau’s attempt to organize as an intelligence service. However, TRP is informed not by a mission of developing intelligence that will help to disrupt emerging threats or exploit opportunities at both the strategic (policymaking) and tactical (arrests), but instead reactively focuses on the threats which have become fully manifest within the FBI’s own domain. TRP leaves the US at a disadvantage vis-à-vis state and non-state adversaries and competitors. Organizationally, it institutionalizes the shortcomings of reactivity and insularity that were the unfortunate characteristics of the pre-9/11 FBI. 相似文献
125.
FEDERAL POLICY IN LOCAL CONTEXT:PUZZLING THROUGH THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF PARADIGMATIC POLICY REFORM
Joe Wallis 《政策研究评论》2001,18(1):130-162
Although comprehensive reform programs (CRPs) have been influenced by theories of government failure, they pose some puzzles for these theorists. My purpose is to address puzzles that relate to observed characteristics of the timing, radicalism, implementation, rhetoric and democratic consequences of reforms. The long period of paradigm stability which typically precede them is explained in terms of the institutional and political risks associated with radical policy reform while the reforms themselves are explained in terms of factors that generated opportunities for new sources of policy leadership. This leadership was collectively supplied by a network that sought to break the hold of a fragmented structure of policy communities over the policy process. 相似文献
126.
James Tapp Emma Fellowes Nicola Wallis Linda Blud Estelle Moore 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2009,14(2):201-212
Purpose. Further to evidence of the successful application of cognitive skills programmes with offenders in HM prison service, the Enhanced Thinking Skills (ETS) training course is now delivered in various secure forensic hospitals, and its usefulness with an offender patient population merits examination. Our aim was to evaluate the impact of ETS using measures designed to capture change in key areas targeted by the course, and a more global measure of mental well‐being. Methods. Offender patients (N = 83) referred for ETS between 2001 and 2006 via a wider groupwork service within a high security hospital were administered questionnaires before and after the training course, which was minimally adjusted to meet the needs of the patient population. Attendance rates, including ‘drop‐out’ (completion of 10 or less sessions) were recorded. Demographics by subgroup (completers vs. non‐completers), and the clinical significance of any changes endorsed by participants post‐group were examined. Results. ETS completers were significantly more likely than non‐completers to endorse changes in thinking style (e.g. a reduction in post‐course scores). Significant differences were observed at both the group and individual level in the direction of less externalization of blame, a slight increase in tolerance of frustration, an increase in social conformity, and improvement in critical reasoning skills. Furthermore there was a reduction in the endorsement of aggressive solutions to social problems. Conclusions. These findings demonstrate a significant short‐term impact of the course for mentally disordered offenders with regards change in aspects of their thinking style and enhancement of their social problem solving skills. This profile lends some support to the provision of ETS within secure hospital settings. 相似文献
127.
128.
A growing body of international relations literature examines the delegation of state authority to international organizations.
Delegation is a conditional grant of authority from a principal to an agent in which the latter is empowered to act on behalf
of the former. This paper explores the effect of agent permeability to interested third parties on the efficacy of control
mechanisms established by principals. Our central argument is that higher levels of agent permeability are likely to lead
to higher levels of agent autonomy. Because of this, principals who face a potentially permeable agent are likely to delegate
more cautiously—partially, in stages, or with clear limits. We illustrate our argument with a case study of the European Convention
of Human Rights and its two principal institutions, the Commission and the Court. We find that principals (contracting states)
historically delegated quite cautiously to the Court, clearly concerned about the Court’s autonomy. Court behavior in its
first two decades reassured principals while increasing the Court’s permeability. Over time, that increased permeability increased
Court autonomy in conjunction with the Court’s growing visibility and experience.
相似文献
Darren HawkinsEmail: |
129.
130.
Self-harm and suicide websites have been heavily criticized both in the literature and the wider media, despite the fact that very little is known about them. To date, no study has interviewed users of these sites about them. This qualitative study aims to explore the accounts of young adults who engage in self-harming and suicidal behaviors and use websites dedicated to these issues, in order to develop a broader understanding of these websites and to identify potential implications for future research. In-depth interviews were conducted via e-mail with 10 participants, who were recruited directly from self-harm and suicide websites. Using discourse analysis, we identified three main ways in which participants wrote about the sites. They constructed them as sources of empathy and understanding, as communities, and as a way of coping with social and psychological distress. These discourses gave users access to important, socially valued identities, such as being understood, belonging to a community and coping with their problems. If health professionals and researchers hope to understand people who use self-harm and suicide websites, and engage them in their services, they must take a more balanced view and not focus solely on the possible risks associated with using such sites. 相似文献