全文获取类型
收费全文 | 6164篇 |
免费 | 238篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 433篇 |
工人农民 | 188篇 |
世界政治 | 619篇 |
外交国际关系 | 446篇 |
法律 | 2585篇 |
中国政治 | 52篇 |
政治理论 | 2008篇 |
综合类 | 71篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 41篇 |
2022年 | 28篇 |
2021年 | 55篇 |
2020年 | 103篇 |
2019年 | 151篇 |
2018年 | 167篇 |
2017年 | 197篇 |
2016年 | 201篇 |
2015年 | 116篇 |
2014年 | 174篇 |
2013年 | 1036篇 |
2012年 | 171篇 |
2011年 | 177篇 |
2010年 | 176篇 |
2009年 | 182篇 |
2008年 | 159篇 |
2007年 | 221篇 |
2006年 | 192篇 |
2005年 | 226篇 |
2004年 | 230篇 |
2003年 | 211篇 |
2002年 | 226篇 |
2001年 | 122篇 |
2000年 | 116篇 |
1999年 | 100篇 |
1998年 | 92篇 |
1997年 | 93篇 |
1996年 | 90篇 |
1995年 | 92篇 |
1994年 | 94篇 |
1993年 | 79篇 |
1992年 | 85篇 |
1991年 | 92篇 |
1990年 | 62篇 |
1989年 | 68篇 |
1988年 | 69篇 |
1987年 | 64篇 |
1986年 | 68篇 |
1985年 | 62篇 |
1984年 | 54篇 |
1983年 | 64篇 |
1982年 | 48篇 |
1981年 | 55篇 |
1980年 | 38篇 |
1979年 | 38篇 |
1978年 | 33篇 |
1977年 | 33篇 |
1976年 | 31篇 |
1974年 | 15篇 |
1972年 | 15篇 |
排序方式: 共有6402条查询结果,搜索用时 187 毫秒
251.
252.
David Lefkowitz 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2016,10(4):657-675
How should the judge or jury in a just criminal court treat a civil disobedient, someone who performs a conscientiously motivated communicative breach of the criminal law? Kimberley Brownlee contends that all else equal a court of law should neither convict nor punish such offenders. Though I agree with this conclusion, I contend that Brownlee mischaracterizes the nature of the criminal defense to which civil disobedients are entitled. Whereas Brownlee maintains that such actors ought to be excused for their criminal breach, I argue that they ought to enjoy a justification defense. Acts of civil disobedience are not (morally) wrongful violations of the law for which an actor ought not to be blamed; rather, they are violations of the law that are not (morally) wrong in virtue of their illegality. It is the absence of wrongdoing, and not merely the absence of fault, that renders the conviction and punishment of those who perform acts of civil disobedience inappropriate. 相似文献
253.
David Koepsell 《Astropolitics》2017,15(1):97-111
Mars One is an ambitious, private plan to begin colonizing Mars using comprehensively screened volunteers who will make a one-way journey to the Red Planet. Its budget will be partially offset by broadcasting the adventure as a reality-TV program, beginning with the training of the astronauts, and ending with their settlement and, presumably, their deaths on the surface of Mars. In essence, the volunteers being sought for the Mars One project are human subjects in an experiment and ought to be treated as such under international provisions for the protection of human subjects or, at the very least, under a concern for the ethical conduct of a potentially groundbreaking project. In this article, I explore the question of whether the volunteers for Mars One are subject to standard protections for human subjects in scientific research, or to broader ethical concerns and protections for unique reasons, and whether they are being given the appropriate protections. I contend that, because of the individual and social impacts of the proposed project, and the nature and degree of risks, ethical concerns need to be addressed for this project to continue. Moreover, I recommend that an ethics committee be created to permanently oversee the project and provide guidance. 相似文献
254.
255.
256.
257.
David McCallum 《Journal of law and society》2011,38(4):604-630
This article considers three different historical events from the point of view of their connections to aspects of the history of liberal political reason: the actions of the British in New South Wales in the early nineteenth century in their claim to sovereignty over Indigenous lands; the establishment of Aboriginal missions and subsequent removal of Aboriginal children in the early twentieth century; and the Northern Territory Emergency Response and suspension of the Australian Commonwealth Racial Discrimination Act (1975) early in the twenty‐first century. The aim is to point to gaps between present claims about liberalism and ‘actual existing liberalism’, review the basis for examining accounts of governance deploying ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and ‘race war’ as central concepts, and call into question the Northern Territory campaign as an ‘exceptional’ event. 相似文献
258.
Sara M. Benson 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):382-400
This article examines the history of political science in relation to the history of the prison. It considers how theories of the state in political science have assumed that proper states should punish with prisons, and traces these ideas to the work of Francis Lieber, the first academic political scientist in the USA. Because his ideas about prison reform were central to his conceptualization of the discipline as a science of punishment, his theory of the state is an understudied part of the history of mass incarceration. Lieber argued that the state had a moral duty to punish its citizens with the prison, and an obligation to manage the risks of democracy through the prison's principles of scientific certainty, less eligibility, and disciplinary solitude. By examining the life and work of Francis Lieber, this article offers new ways of thinking about political science's past, and its status as part of the history of the American prison. 相似文献
259.
260.