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71.
72.
On the one hand the following case demonstrates the problems of finding a dead body in the bathroom and on the other hand the importance of postmortem x-ray examinations. The corpse of an 65-year-old woman was discovered in her bath tub. At the body's feet there was a hair dryer. Investigations concerning murder were negative, circumstances appeared to be unsuspicious. That was why a postmortem examination was not performed. -4 years later murder had to be considered. After manual strangling the deceased and the hair dryer were layed into the bath tub. The corpse was exhumed and taken to a forensic autopsy. It was found that the hyoid bone and the superior horn of the thyroid cartilage were both fractured on the right. Damages caused by the preparation itself were excluded by using serial roentgenographs. These observations in combination with histological findings and the results of further investigations convincingly supported the suspicion of strangling by hand. 相似文献
73.
A gas chromatographic (GC) fingerprint method, based on the presence or absence of six congeners, was developed for illicit cocaine samples. The fingerprint utilizes the relative abundances of these congeners towards each other, disregarding cocaine as the main constituent, and can be expressed numerically or graphically in the form of pictograms for rapid visual comparison. The method can be applied directly to a solution of the sample in chloroform, without previous workup procedures. More than 70 unrelated samples were analyzed and a great variation was observed in the parameter composition. On the other hand, a remarkable similarity could be seen between related samples. The GC fingerprint method may be considered an important contribution for sample comparison, as is exemplified by a subdivision of the analyzed samples in different categories, based on the number and types of congeners found. 相似文献
74.
C Moore S Browne I Tebbett A Negrusz W Meyer L Jain 《Forensic science international》1992,56(2):177-181
A new solid-phase extraction procedure for the determination of cocaine and benzoylecgonine in amniotic fluid, using high flow co-polymeric sorbents is reported. The recoveries of cocaine and benzoylecgonine within the range 0.1-1 mg/l were 95.7% and 50.3%, respectively. The use of high-flow sorbents allowed the easy extraction of amniotic fluid regardless of sample viscosity or physical nature. The use of these solid-phase columns provided many advantages over the more commonly used solvent extraction, including an increase in extraction speed and efficiency, reduced operator time, reduced solvent use and disposal volumes and exceptional extract quality. Further, the determination of amniotic fluid obtained from pregnant cocaine users may provide important information about handling of cocaine by the fetus at various gestational ages. The procedure was successfully applied to amniotic fluid from suspected cocaine abusers. 相似文献
75.
76.
David L. Blaney Mustapha Kamal Pasha 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1993,28(1):3-24
The terminology of “civil society” has gained currency in recent discussions of democratic movements around the globe. Although
less grandiose in its implications than claims about the “end of history,” this terminology does suggest a certain universality
in human experience. We argue that this claim of universality is warranted, but also problematic. We establish the relevance
of our argument in reference to the literatures in African and Indian studies.
We note first that the common employments of the concept ignore the theoretical and historical specificity of civil society:
civil society is used to label any group or movement opposed to the state, regardless of its intent or character, or used
so generically that it is indistinguishable from the term “society.” Instead, we argue that civil society is a sphere of social
life, involving a stabilization of a system of rights, constituting human beings as individuals, both as citizens in relation
to the state and as legal persons in the economy and the sphere of private association.
Thus, we link the wide resonance of the concept to its embeddedness in the logic of liberal capitalist society and the capitalist
global division of labor. This conception allows us to see that, although the emergence of a sphere of civil society involves
at least minimal democranization and is supportive of struggles for further democratization, the status of democracy is also
made quite problematic by the tensions endemic to liberal capitalism and the processes of uneven development within international
capitalism. Our usage also allows us to distinguish more clearly movements dedicated to the construction of civil society
from those that may count actually as counter-civil society movements.
David L. Blaney received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is on
leave from Hanover College, Hanover, Indiana as a visiting scholar for the 1993–94 academic year at The Elliott School of
International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. 20052. His main research interests include international
political economy, culture and international relations theory, and democratic theory.
Mustapha Kamal Pasha received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. Currently,
he is an assistant professor in the School of International Service, American University, Washington, D.C. 20016. His main
research interests include international political economy, with particular regard to the Third World, and South Asian politics. 相似文献
77.
B. C. Koh 《East Asia》1994,13(2):61-74
North Korea’s foreign policy track record in the post-cold war era is mixed. Most notable setbacks are the diplomatic normalization between the Soviet Union (now Russia) and South Korea; the reversal of its UN policy that paved the way for the simultaneous admission of the two Korean states to the world organization; and the diplomatic normalization between China and South Korea. On the credit side of Pyongyang’s diplomatic ledger are changes in its relations with Tokyo and Washington. While tangible results have yet to materialize, particularly in North Korea-Japan relations, the groundwork has nonetheless been laid for significant improvement. North Korea’s suspected nuclear weapons development program has played a major role in the unfolding of its relations with the United States. Conceptually, North Korean foreign policy can be explained in terms of its quest for three interrelated goals: security, legitimacy, and development. In the post-cold war era security appears to have emerged as the most important of the three goals. North Korea is at a crossroads. The choices it makes in foreign policy will determine not only the direction of its domestic policy but, ultimately, the survival of the regime itself. The external players in Seoul, Washington, Tokyo, Beijing, Moscow, and Vienna (the IAEA) have varying degrees of leverage over Pyongyang’s policy as well. 相似文献
78.
C J Kim B H Kwak S D Kim S P Kim 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》1992,13(3):211-213
A 22-year-old Korean soldier, who had received blows to the neck and epigastrium from an officer 10 h earlier, suddenly died after massive hematemesis. He had been in relatively good health except for episodes of blood-tinged vomiting approximately 5 and 7 months prior to this event. Postmortem examination revealed angiodysplasia involving the gastroesophageal junction, and the stomach was distended with blood. No abnormal findings were present around the whole viscera, and the duodenum was free of blood. The pathologic significance of upper gastrointestinal angiodysplasia as a potential source of bleeding and a chronologic correlation between the trauma and bleeding are discussed. 相似文献
79.
80.
Why is that former dominant or single party regimes, especiallythose in Africa, have generally survived and even emerged strengthenedafter the introduction of multi-party competitive elections?In Côte d'lvoire since 1990 the ruling party has beenable to win elections by using incumbency to present itselfas the organization most likely to be capable of putting togethera winning coalition. In a society segmented by a multiplicityof cultural and religious divisions and where political poweris a zero-sum game, the logic of democratic representation meansthat no group can afford to be excluded. Yet in the 1990 and1995 Ivorian elections .the opposition attacked die ethnic characterof the government and deliberately mobilized ethnic minorities,regional and religious (Islamic) sentiments. They thereforefailed to escape, in electoral terms, from their extremely localizedstrongholds. Their attempt to mobilize around an anti-foreignerplatform in 1990 rebounded in 1995 when the government itselftook over their ultra-nationalist stance by excludingnon-Ivorians from the elections. The consequent exclusion ofthe opposition's favoured Presidential candidate and the failureof the opposition alliance to agree on a non-northern, non-Islamicalternative candidate led to a violent boycott and the eventualcollapse of the opposition alliance. 相似文献