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61.
行政相对人知情权是民主政治的重要组成部分 ,是防止行政权力腐败的有力措施 ,也是市场经济体制的必要要求。在“官本位”传统十分严重的中国 ,目前行政相对人知情权在理论和实践上均与世界发达国家差距甚远。笔者从知情权概念和价值入手 ,分析了我国行政相对人知情权制度发展滞后的历史成因 ,并为我国行政相对人知情权的完善提出了一些建议和意见。  相似文献   
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科学发展观对当前加强我国公务员队伍建设有着重要的指导意义。基于此,本文以科学发展观的可持续发展原则、速度与效益原则、协调发展原则和促进人的全面发展原则为指导,分析当前我国公务员队伍建设的目标和价值取向。  相似文献   
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随着党校数字图书馆工程建设的发展,全国党校图书馆将不可避免进入数字化。本文从不同角度探讨了数字化技术对党校传统图书馆的影响以及如何应对和适应数字化技术所带来的变化。  相似文献   
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文化市场对我们来说确实是古老而又新鲜的课题。说它古老是因为它古来就有,从汉代开始就有杂技、弹唱、卖艺的。说它新鲜,又确实是党的十一届三中全会以来,在我国改革开放中涌现出来的,在短短的二十几年时间里,我国经济发生了翻天覆地的变化,整个社会市场得到了充分的开放,作为社会主义市场组成部分之一的文化市场,在改革开放浪潮的推动下,不仅满足了广大人民群众日益增长的文化娱乐消费的需求,而且还带动了文化产业的发展,这些以满足人们精神文化需要为主要目标而进行生产或服务的行业也取得了巨大的经济效益,并且以其独特的功能——宣传党的各项方针政策,宣传社会主义理想、道德、文化、纪律,提高整个中华民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素质,在社会主义精神文明建设中有特殊的地位,并起着举  相似文献   
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Contemporary social policy toward low-income women in the United States, as evidenced both by Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) and by the AFDC programme that preceded it, is in part an artefact of long-standing conceptions of the nature of citizenship. This view sees citizenship as resting primarily on civil and political rights, not on rights with respect to economic, social, and cultural matters. Drawing on scholarly literature on the development of international human rights regimes, the feminist literature that analyses social policy both comparatively and in terms of US domestic policy, and literature regarding contemporary movements among low-income persons, this paper analyses the efforts of one organization, the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU), to challenge US policy via international human rights law and international enforcement mechanisms. We will suggest that, despite some of the flaws of the KWRU, their approach is a promising one for low-income women. In particular, we wish to suggest that a broader conception of citizenship that takes into account economic, cultural, and social rights is necessary to create a more equitable and democratic polity for women.  相似文献   
69.
In the face of a similar challenge for economic development, South Korea and Taiwan differed greatly in their approaches to educational reform. South Korea permitted a rapid expansion in educational system, allowed the development of academic education, and pursued a relatively high tuition policy for higher education. In contrast, Taiwan controlled the growth of education, promoted vocational education, and maintained a relatively low tuition policy for higher education. Political dynamics, rather than economic efficiency considerations, explain the divergent choices in the educational reforms of these two countries. Tun-jen Cheng is associate professor of government, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, 23187–8795. He has published extensively on politicl economy and democratic change in East Asian newly industrializing countries. He is currently working on institutional designs of Korean democracy.  相似文献   
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  With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates. While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue. In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised to continue the dialogue on values with Asia. Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?” I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article  相似文献   
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