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41.
Felice Carabellese M.D. Alan R. Felthous M.D. Donatella La Tegola Psy.D. Ph.D. Ilaria Rossetto M.D. Domenico Montalbò M.D. Filippo Franconi M.D. Roberto Catanesi M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(5):1438-1443
Various studies have shown that women with psychopathy tend to commit crimes that are less violent than those of psychopathic men. The present study was designed to address the influence of psychopathy on the crimes committed by female offenders. A national sample of female offenders found NGRI or of diminished responsibility and at risk for criminal recidivism (OPG patients) was compared with a sample of female offenders who were convicted and imprisoned. Results of this comparison between the two groups of female offenders indicate that psychopathy is a transversal psychopathological dimension which may or may not be associated with other mental disorders. In both samples, the most commonly reported offenses among women with high PCL‐R scores were minor offenses, not particularly violent, but they appear to be related to typical psychopathic features such as superficial charm, pathological lying, and manipulation. 相似文献
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Trafficked women are used and consumed in different ways and by different users in Australia. They are used by the traffickers
and by the consumer of the destination country. They are used as prosecutorial tools by the national criminal justice agents.
They are used by the national politicians to pursue border control policy objectives and to be seen as abiding by international
protocols. In all these uses, the identity of the trafficked woman is formed and shaped to fit the users’ need. However, these
women’s otherness and abjection is constantly maintained and reinforced. They are used as a commodity. Meanwhile, the discussion
on the demand side, and the consequent responsibility of the destination country, is virtually omitted. This paper will raise
the question of how the socio-legal analysis and discourse would evolve if a literal interpretation of trafficking women as
a commodity was taken into account, exploring an international trade approach. The social construction of trafficked women
as a commodity has been identified and criticised by academic scholars, NGOs’ and UN’s rapporteurs. By pursuing this line
of approach, the destination country is forced to take more responsibility for how the woman is demanded within its territory.
As a consequence of this international trade approach, the State should deliver equality and non-discrimination. Rather than
being a cynical application of a trade framework to trafficked women, this approach aims to highlight the paradox of such
a situation in legal terms. It is highlighted that approaching trafficked women from this legal and jurisprudential way may
offer more possibilities to expand their claims against the State. Currently, in Australia, when a trafficked woman is located
by the State, she would attract limited and temporal rights, her being the ‘other’ as well as an abject entity remains, notwithstanding
the fact the she was imported because there is a demand within the territory. 相似文献
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Andrew David Edwards 《Law & social inquiry》2017,42(1):252-278
This essay argues that Christine Desan's Making Money: Coin, Currency and the Coming of Capitalism intervenes decisively in debates over the origin of money, while making a fundamental contribution to the legal history of money, the philosophy of money, and the history of capitalism. Desan shows money to be a mode of governance, created by rulers to extend their power, and maintained and managed by their successors. She argues that British politicians reinvented money at the end of the seventeenth century, creating the essential institutional basis for contemporary capitalism. The essay builds on Desan's analysis, showing how the tools she develops to understand the origins and development of British money can help us explain the expansion of capitalism, and the transition to capitalism associated with the American Revolution. 相似文献
46.
Diane Ethier 《Democratization》2013,20(1):99-120
Many studies suggest that conditionality is a more effective democracy promotion strategy (DPS) than incentives. This paper confirms the validity of this hypothesis by demonstrating that conditional pre-accession political reforms, required from the eastern and central European applicants by the European Union, have substantially progressed from 1998, while the impact of incentives democratic aid programmes carried out by donors since l994 has proved to be either very modest or non-existent. Then it explains these unequal performances by synthesizing insights provided by the analysis of both DPS processes of implementation, interviews conducted with the European Union Eastern Enlargement negotiators and literature devoted to democratic aid programmes, international co-operation and compliance of states with international institutions norms and rules. On the whole, the study challenges the endogeneous theory of comparative politics according to which 'democracy is a domestic affair par excellence'. 相似文献
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Julia Edwards 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):26-45
Much criticism has been levelled at the reliability of the Audit Commission's measures of local authority performance, but less attention has been paid to the reality of their empowering effect on consumer groups. This article reports on the impact of the policy on one consumer group, ALL MOD CONS, a national charity which campaigns for more and better public toilets. It argues that, far from empowering the group, the annual publication of performance indicators has diverted its energies and resources into disseminating the Audit Commision's statistics to their members and drawing misleading conclusions from them which risk undermining the group's credibility. The case raises questions about the role of performance indicators in the democratic process. 相似文献
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