In this article I analyze both generalized propriety as a boundary marker of Sudanese identity in Cairo, and gendered attitudes toward morality and female genital cutting (FGC) as a fundamental aspect of that boundary. Sudanese have been profoundly affected by the ongoing political crisis in their home country, by the displacement triggered by political and economic collapse, and by their deteriorating legal and social status in Egypt. The dramatic changes in the circumstances of Sudanese residence in Cairo have challenged the cultural norm of gender complementarity as men ‘stay at home’ for want of work while women seek and find new opportunities for themselves. This unstable situation has led Sudanese to place more emphasis on ‘proper’ ways of behaving and being, an assertion that helps define the ethnic boundaries of the Sudanese community in Cairo. I demonstrate the inconsistencies between discourse and reality through ethnographic data while analyzing how Sudanese have found new ways of asserting their identity and resisting the practice of FGC. 相似文献
Legal occupations vary dramatically from country to country—in scope of activity, education, organization, and institutional setting. This essay proposes to study legal occupations focusing on their relations to the state rather than on their character as "professions." It builds on the recent renaissance of state-centered approaches in the social sciences. A review of the diversity of law work and legal occupations in different countries leads to state-centered conceptualizations that identify institutionally comparable features of law work. A sketch of the European historical background of modern legal professions yields theoretical principles that can inform the proposed approach. Variations in the role of the state and in the relation of lawyers to the state apparatus are then shown to be related to differences between national legal professions. Even where the law is primarily seen as a profession, the character of law work is better understood when related to the state. 相似文献
Bereits seit 1991 existiert das übereinkommen zum Schutz der Alpen (Alpenkonvention, AK). Allerdings sind erst Ende 2002 die
acht Durchführungsprotokolle zur AK und ein Zusatzprotokoll über die Streitbeilegung in Kraft getreten, weil drei Vertragsstaaten,
darunter Deutschland, diese ratifiziert haben. In der Rahmenkonvention verpflichten sich die Vertragsparteien, „unter Beachtung
des Vorsorge-, des Verursacher- und des Kooperationsprinzips eine ganzheitliche Politik zur Erhaltung und zum Schutz der Alpen
unter ausgewogener Berücksichtigung der Interessen aller Alpenstaaten, ihrer alpinen Regionen sowie der Europ?ischen Union
unter umsichtiger und nachhaltiger Nutzung der Ressourcen“ sicherzustellen (Art. 2 Abs. 1 AK). Nun geht es darum, die AK und
ihre Protokolle umzusetzen, d.h. auf der Ebene des V?lkerrechts, aber auch auf nationaler Ebene durch Anpassung der nationalen
Rechtsvorschriften sowie durch Anwendung und Auslegung der Konvention seitens der nationalen Beh?rden und Gerichte zu verwirklichen.
Der nachfolgende Beitrag liefert einen überblick über Inhalt und Bedeutung der AK und ihrer Protokolle, ordnet die Konvention
in das Umweltv?lkerrecht ein und befasst sich mit den Konsequenzen für das innerstaatliche Recht.相似文献
The popularity of using herbal cures in twenty-first century Estonia has several reasons. Estonians are familiar with nature, and many collect berries, mushrooms, and potherbs. Herb collecting in general is a part of the local heritage. There are private enterprises in Estonia dealing with the cultivation and sale of herbs. Herbs can be bought from grocery stores, markets, and pharmacies. Even medical doctors can recommend herbal treatments for mild illnesses.
This article reviews which herbal beliefs are held among modern Estonians and how this fits with global trends characterized by a growing strive toward the natural lifestyle also evident in health behavior and an attitude toward pharmaceutical companies as businesses who prioritize income above welfare. We will analyze how herbal beliefs reflect people’s religious views, educational background, sex and age. The empirical base of the study consists of the responses of 1,205 randomly selected subjects, of whom 650 were interviewed face to face in six different areas of Estonia and 555 replied to a survey online. The core of the questionnaire consisted of opinions on ten general herbal beliefs. In addition, respondents were asked their opinions on natural and synthetic medicines and reasons for herbal healing effects. 相似文献
The nature of age and gender differences in the evaluation of three everyday immoral behaviors was analyzed with a 21-item questionnaire. The items included examples of theft, lying, and fighting expressed both as omissions and commissions, commissions further specified with positive motives, negative motives, duress, or provocation. Three age groups were included in the study: pre-adolescents, midadolescents, and late adolescents (N = 2594). The most important findings were that boys accepted all immoral acts better than girls, the immoral peak in midadolescence, the low differentiation between the different types of acts in preadolescence, and the flexible usage of different rationales in middle and late adolescence.相似文献
This study investigates ‘soft’ forms of direct democracy and identifies factors that explain their occurrence. Soft direct democracy refers to non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums, which the literature on direct democracy has largely ignored. Strategic motives have dominated previous explanations of the occurrence of initiatives and referendums, but are less useful in exploring non‐binding procedures of direct democracy. The article distinguishes four types of factors – socio‐structural, party system, political support and learning – and tests hypotheses on their effects with sub‐national data from Finland. The data enable us to compare two different types of instruments – non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums – while controlling for many unobserved factors. The findings show that erosion of political support, participatory traditions and policy diffusion explain the occurrence of bottom‐up referendum motions, while the last two together with small population and party system factors predict the occurrence of advisory government‐initiated referendums. 相似文献