From Choice to Necessity: Putting Politics in Command

This paper attempts to explore the effects of the political developments that followed the financial crisis of 2008, particularly after the uprisings of 2011, on the field of philosophy and more specifically on philosophical practice. Philosophical practice concerns not only methodology and forms of argumentation but also and mainly the dispositive of the philosopher him/herself, that is the place he/she occupies and from which h/she speaks. Drawing from Gramsci??s and Althusser??s reading of Machiavelli an argument is developed according to which certain conjunctures produce the possibility of a void both at the political and the philosophical level; a void which can disrupt the normal reproduction of political relations of power and of the dominant philosophical discourse. The task of materialist philosophy, which in those circumstances becomes even more urgent, is not to devote itself in securing the piece on the field of the philosophical and political battle but in contrast to point out the possibility of the emergence of the void and articulate philosophical positions aimed to intensify the rupture and thus to produce effects tending to realise the possibility of radical change.     

Sudden death resulting from epidermoid cyst of the brain

Epidermoid cysts of the brain are rare tumor-like lesions, most often of maldevelopmental origin. They are benign in nature, causing symptoms depending on their localization. Surgical resection leads to excellent results. A case is reported of a 68-year-old-man who died suddenly and unexpectedly. Postmortem examination revealed signs of central dysregulation and a bifrontal epidermoid cyst. To the authors' knowledge, death resulting from epidermoid cyst of the brain has not been reported so far.     

The evolution,substance and priorities of EU and ASEAN co-operation in science and technology

This article discusses the evolution and substance of co-operation in Science and Technology (S&T) between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It will attempt to shed light on the under-researched topic of the role of European technology in the modernisation of Southeast Asia during the last three decades, by examining the methods by which the two supranational entities are attempting to enhance such co-operation. EU-ASEAN collaboration in S&T has experienced a steady, albeit modest, growth during the last few years. The EU is shown to be committed to sustainable development and humanitarian principles (e.g. alleviation of poverty), although this is seriously constrained by economic considerations. By contrast, ASEAN is more concerned with the economic and political benefits to be gained from such collaboration, as shown by the adoption of an export-orientated high technology policy and the rapid economic growth of the region. This paper draws from the project A Study of ASEAN and EU Innovation Policies and Interregional Co-operation in Science and Technology, supported by the South East Asian Committee of the British Academy. This financial support is gratefully acknowledged.Senior Research Fellow and Head of the European Regional Studies Unit at the Centre for European Studies, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK. He is also Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.     

The Form and Content of the Greek Crisis Legislation

This paper offers a dialectical analysis of the law relating to the Greek crisis. The form and content of the measures introduced in the Greek legal system to deal with the debt crisis is examined under the concept of ‘necessity’. It is argued that this concept, used by the Greek Council of State to justify the constitutionality of these measures, opens a path for a more comprehensive analysis of the measures implemented through the mechanism of the Greek Memoranda of Understanding. The measures are seen as ‘necessary’: on the one hand in their accordance and basis on principles of the European Union; on the other hand in their class orientation and reflecting of specific social (class) interests. But despite their necessity, neither their content, nor the form of implementation of these measures is fixed; it is rather contingent, i.e. dependent on the level of intensification of social (class and intra-class) and economic antagonisms.     

Mixed equilibriums in a three-candidate spatial model with candidate valence

We study a spatial model of electoral competition among three office-motivated candidates of unequal valence (one advantaged and two equally disadvantaged candidates) under majority rule assuming that candidates are uncertain about the voters’ policy preferences and that the policy space consists of three alternatives (one at each extreme of the linear policy spectrum and one in the center) and we characterize mixed strategy Nash equilibriums of the game. Counterintuitively, we show that (a) when uncertainty about voters’ preferences is high, the advantaged candidate might choose in equilibrium a more extremist strategy than the disadvantaged candidates and that (b) when uncertainty about voters’ preferences is low, there exist equilibriums in which one of the disadvantaged candidates has a larger probability of election than the disadvantaged candidate of the equivalent two-candidate (one advantaged and one disadvantaged candidate) case.     

The Governance of Networks: Heuristic or Formal Analysis? A Reply to Rachel Parker

Rachel Parker, in her article 'Networked Governance or Just Networks?' in this journal, has dealt with a very challenging question on the relevance of network interaction to governance outcomes. Her use of network concepts, however, appears to employ networks as a heuristic device. Her article employs terms that describe social network properties that are best contextualised with reference to the theoretical insights offered by formal Social Network Analysis (SNA). My suggestion in this brief review is that some of the theoretical assumptions made about concepts such as fluidity, density or trust imply specific network properties that cannot be ignored when attempting an analysis of policy outcomes.     

Sudden death in a 35-year-old man with occult malformation of the brain and aseptic meningitis

A 35-year-old man was found dead by his wife. He was reported to have had symptoms of a common cold the week preceding his death. The medicolegal autopsy yielded signs of central dysregulation (ectasia of the urinary bladder and rectum, dystelectasis of the lungs) together with marked brain edema and fresh bite marks on the tongue. The cause of death was presumed to be lethal epileptic seizure. Neuropathologic examination revealed neuronal nodular heterotopia as well as discrete lymphocytic meningitis (aseptic meningitis). The death was most probably caused by the combination of the meningitis with the occult malformation, leading to a lowered seizure threshold and subsequent lethal seizure. The morphologic findings of this case are presented, and the probable mechanisms of death are discussed.     

Representation and Waldron's Objection to Judicial Review

Jeremy Waldron objects to judicial review of legislation onthe ground that it effectively accords the views of a few judges‘superior voting weight’ to those of ordinary citizens.This objection overlooks that representative government doesthe same. This article explores the concept of political representationand argues that delegates may be institutionally bound to heedthe convictions of their constituents, but they are not theirproxies. Rather, they are best viewed as their trustees. Theyought to decide according to what they think is in their constituents’interest. In this sense, a strong element of independent judgmentis involved in their institutional role. So, if we have no problemwith assigning their views superior voting weight, it shouldnot be thought particularly objectionable to give judges thesame power. What is more, once we acknowledge the independencethey enjoy, the question arises whether and by what institutionalmeans we ought to constrain and check their power. The judiciaryis well suited effectively to carry out this supervisory function,because it is immune from political pressure by the legislaturethat would reduce it to its instrument. Hence, in some casesthe institution of judicial review is morally justified.