全文获取类型
收费全文 | 96篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 4篇 |
外交国际关系 | 5篇 |
法律 | 28篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 44篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有101条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
72.
73.
74.
Dominic Willmott Daniel Boduszek Rebecca Robinson 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2018,29(3):498-507
This paper looks briefly at the case study of Russian sexual serial killer Andrei Chikatilo. Whilst serial homicide has received wide ranging attention more broadly in the literature, Chikatilo’s criminality and sexually deviant behaviour have thus far lacked any in-depth psychological explanation, with his crimes attributed tentatively to dysfunction upbringing and innate deviance. However, based on theoretical arguments presented in the present investigation, a more detailed account of what may have contributed to the development of such extreme sexual violence and cognitive distortions is discussed. Consideration of psychodynamic and behaviourist perspectives lead to the conclusion that a complex interaction of biological, psychological and sociological factors may account for the onset and continuation of his homicidal behaviour. 相似文献
75.
The purpose of this investigation was to examine the effect of psychopathy on antigay aggression. Participants were 84 heterosexual men who competed in an aggression paradigm in which electric shocks were received from and administered to a randomly determined fictitious opponent (heterosexual male, gay male) during a competitive reaction time task. Aggression was operationalized as shock intensities administered to the opponent. Prior to the task, all participants completed measures of psychopathy, sexual prejudice, and state anger; viewed a male-male erotic video; and reported state anger a second time. After controlling for sexual prejudice, analyses revealed that psychopathy significantly predicted aggression toward the gay, but not the heterosexual, male confederate. Psychopathy was not associated with increases in anger in response to the erotic video. These findings indicate that psychopathy is a significant marker for antigay violence, though anger experienced in response to homosexuality does not seem to underlie this association. 相似文献
76.
77.
For a Few Dollars More: Public Trust and the Case for Transporting Nuclear Waste in Dedicated Trains
The debate about the use of dedicated trains for shipping spent fuel and high level nuclear waste has been going on for the past 15 years. The nuclear industry and its regulatory agencies would like to consider the case closed. The recent passage of the Hazardous Materials Transportation Uniform Act of 1990, however, opens the door once more, giving the railroads and other proponents of dedicated trains another chance to present their case. This paper argues that earlier conclusions favoring regular trains over dedicated trains were based on incomplete cost and risk information and neglected other factors which are not technical, but social and institutional in nature. The paper finds that the additional cost of a dedicated system is lower than previously thought and concludes that it is a small price to pay for reduced public opposition and increased levels of trust. 相似文献
78.
79.
Between Indigenous Paramountcy and Democracy: How Differentiated Citizenship and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Could Help Fijian Self‐determination 下载免费PDF全文
Dominic O'Sullivan 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2018,64(1):129-141
Contemporary Fijian politics is shaped by a colonial legacy of extraordinary complexity and political tension. Since gaining independence from Great Britain in 1970, Fiji's history has been distinguished by incoherent and inconsistent accounts of political power. These concern the political rights belonging to indigenous peoples as first occupants vis‐à‐vis the claims to political recognition by the descendants of Indian indentured labourers. The relative power between the indigenous aristocracy and commoners is a further complicating variable. Following three coups (1987 and 2006) and a putsch (2000), indigenous paramount authority has been positioned against various forms of democracy and military oversight of the political process. However, none of these political arrangements has enhanced indigenous self‐determination. This article argues that indigenous self‐determination is more likely to be realised through a form of differentiated liberal citizenship consistent with the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This reasonably requires the extension of the Declaration's provisions to indigenous Fijians, who, as a recent majority indigenous population, are constrained by colonial legacy in a similar manner to the minority indigenous populations for whose benefit the Declaration was primarily adopted. 相似文献
80.
Dominic D. Wells 《Journal of Political Science Education》2018,14(2):240-248
In the time following the 2016 presidential election, much has been written about the spread of false information on social media websites. Given the potential influence false information has had on American politics, it is more important than ever for people to critically evaluate the content they view and share on social media. This article describes an activity that encourages students to develop evidence based arguments and think critically about content shared on social media. In the activity, students are asked to generate an internet meme related to U.S. politics and write a short essay defending the position they have taken in the meme. This article explains how the activity can promote critical thinking and includes suggestions for future implementation. 相似文献